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U tekstu se pomoću teorije nacionalizma analiziraju temeljne ideje konzervativne‎ revolucije. To se čini rekonstrukcijom osnovnih teza političke misli Thomasa ‎Manna, Arthura Moellera van den Brucka, Ernsta Jüngera, Oswalda Spenglera‎i Carla Schmitta. Analizira se način na koji se tumačio odnos jezika i nacije, rata ‎i nacije, liberalizma i nacije, te odnos nacije spram Zapada. Pokazalo se da ‎se smatralo da se u jeziku zrcali duh nacije, da se rat smatrao temeljem nacionalnog ‎identiteta, da se liberalizam smatrao glavnim idejnim neprijateljem njemačkog ‎nacionalnog identiteta te da se odbacivao Zapad, a hvalili Rusija i Dostojevski.‎ Zaključeno je da su osnovu ideologije konzervativne revolucije činili‎ njemački nacionalizam i odbacivanje liberalizma. Istaknuto je da su konzervativni ‎revolucionari zagovarali diktaturu, ali ne i povratak na stari režim monarhije,‎ nego autoritarnu konzervativnu utopiju. Utopijske značajke konzervativne ‎revolucije i danas čine njezine ideje privlačnima radikalnoj desnici.‎

Abstract. The aim of the article is to examine the relationship between the state, democracy and the Carl
Schimitt's concept of the political. That is going to be
done by reconstructing the concepts of Schmitt's political theory and finding out whether they can be used
to explain the ideology of the new right-wing populism
and illiberal democracy. As it turns out, the Schmitt's
reduction of the political to the friend/enemy antagonism makes the core of the illiberal democracies' ruling
narrative. The Schimtt's understanding of the political doesn't defend the state as a political space but by
cancelling of the liberal elements of democracy ruins
the state institutions. The analysis shows that Schmitt's
notion of the political cannot be used to build effective
democratic state institutions. Namely, in his definition
of the political, politics actually exists only on the outwards, towards some other nation, some other political
unity, but not within the state itself.
Keywords: state, the political, Carl Schmitt, illiberal
democracy

AbstractThis text will reconstruct the main determinants of Croatia's foreign policy to the European Union (EU) and the Western Balkans. It will demonstrate why, after joining the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) and the EU, Croatia needs a new foreign policy goal. I will advocate a thesis that Croatia is looking for a place of its own within the EU, but that it has not yet managed to find it due to its dual foreign policies approach—the government's, which was pro-European, and that of the previous president of the country, which was pro-American. The election of the new president and the presidency of the EU has given Croatia a chance to set a new goal for its foreign policy. Specifically, in its focus on Europe, could Croatia's new role be found in guiding the enlargement process in the Western Balkans?

Zasadniczym założeniem tekstu jest ponowna analiza mechanizmów demokracji bezpośredniej w społeczeństwach głęboko podzielonych, na przykładzie Bośni i Hercegowiny. Podstawowym pytaniem stało się zatem: jak mechanizmy demokracji bezpośredniej funkcjonują w społeczeństwie, które jest złożone z wielu narodów, a narody nie osiągnęły pozrozumienia co do podstawowych wartości. Istniało domniemanie, że mechanizmy demokracji bezpośredniej mogły wpłynąć na przezwyciężenie narodowych różnic w Bośni i Herzegowinie. W artykule zostają zanalizowane procesy decydowania politycznego.

On the example of Bosnia and Herzegovina the goal of text is to rethink the consequences of application of the direct democracy mechanisms in the context of deeply divided societies. So the question is: How would mechanisms of direct democracy function in an ethnically divided society which has not reached a consensus on the basic values of the political community? It was felt that direct democracy could help to overcome national divisions in Bosnia and Herzegovina and emphasized that the existing model of consociational democracy was not only incapable of offering the solution for their country, but was a source of new divisions. The first part of the text will endeavor to outline the general causes of the crisis of representative democracy. The state of democracy in Bosnia and Herzegovina will be shown in the second part. The final part will feature the analysis of the structure of political decision-making in order to ascertain which political option, left or right, actually benefits from direct democracy. In spite of a number of questions that arise from the potential implementation of direct democracy in Bosnian-Herzegovinian circumstances, the text will lead to conclusion that this type of democracy should not be completely discarded and that on the certain issues it can be a useful addition to the parliamentary democracy. ; Zasadniczym założeniem tekstu jest ponowna analiza mechanizmów demokracji bezpośredniej w społeczeństwach głęboko podzielonych, na przykładzie Bośni i Hercegowiny. Podstawowym pytaniem stało się zatem: jak mechanizmy demokracji bezpośredniej funkcjonują w społeczeństwie, które jest złożone z wielu narodów, a narody nie osiągnęły pozrozumienia co do podstawowych wartości. Istniało domniemanie, że mechanizmy demokracji bezpośredniej mogły wpłynąć na przezwyciężenie narodowych różnic w Bośni i Herzegowinie. W artykule zostają zanalizowane procesy decydowania politycznego.

This article analyzes the image of the enemy firmly held by the Croatian Right and the consequences of this image for democratic political institutions in Croatia. The first part of the text reconstructs a) the public discourse of the former HDZ leader, Tomislav Karamarko, as well as b) the public discourse of the Catholic Church. With the help of theories of cultural trauma, as well as discourse analysis, the second part of the article demonstrates how the Croatian Right in fact interprets any kind of liberal attitude as a specific communist one. In that sense the proposed thesis is that in its campaign against imaginary communists the Croatian Right actually tries to oppose liberalism itself. In other words, this paper tries to answer the question, why the Croatian Right does not name its real enemy – liberalism, instead of repeating the buzzwords about the spectres of communism? The third part of the article analyses Chantal Mouffe's theory of agonistic democracy, arguing its limits in the context of post-communist states. This paper shows that in deeply divided societies like Croatia the reduction of politics on the friend-enemy relation endangers the main liberal values of democracy.

artykuł w: Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska. Sectio M, Balcaniensis et Carpatiensis. Vol. 1 (2016), s. 87-101 ; streszcz. ang., pol. ; artykuł w: Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska. Sectio M, Balcaniensis et Carpatiensis. Vol. 1 (2016), s. 87-101 ; streszcz. ang., pol.