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Dynamics, feeling, and meanings -- Ritual, values, and emotions -- Identity depletion -- Grief, intensive living, and charisma -- Gender, identity, and purity -- Love, mercy, humility, and betrayal -- Merit, grace, and pardon -- Moral-somatics, hope, despair, and suffering -- Revelation, conversion, and spirit power -- Sacred place, worship, and music -- Sensory identity : wisdom, wonder, and worship

Religious leadership in a changing society -- Bishop and church : changing times and institutions -- Changing persons, changing roles -- Suffragan and diocesan bishops -- The place of clergy wives : a 'shared ministry'? -- Growing up clerical -- Clergy children and religious identity -- Clergy children, work and professional identity -- Conclusions

In this major interpretation of the crisis of democracy in Italy after World War I, Douglas Forsyth uses unpublished documents in Italy's central state archives, as well as private papers, diplomatic and bank archives in Italy, France, Britain and the United States, to analyse monetary and financial policy in Italy from the outbreak of war until the march on Rome. The study focuses on real and perceived conflicts and often painful choices between great power politics, economic growth, macroeconomic stabilisation and the preservation or strengthening of democratic consensus. The key issue explored is why governments in Italy after World War I, although headed by left-liberal reformers, were unable to press ahead with the democratic reformism which had characterised the so-called 'Giolittian era', 1901–1914. Their failure paved the way for parliamentary deadlock and Mussolini's seizure of power

"Self-Fulfilling Misperceptions of Public Polarization"Mass media convey deep divisions among citizens despite scant evidence for such ideological polarization. Do ordinary citizens perceive themselves to be more extreme and divided than they actually are? If so, what are the ramifications of such misperception? A representative sample from California provides evidence that voters from both sides of the state's political divide perceive both their liberal and conservative peers' positions as more extreme than they actually are, implying inaccurate beliefs about polarization. A second study again demonstrates this finding with an online sample and presents evidence that misperception of mass-level extremity can affect individuals' own policy opinions. Experimental participants randomly assigned to learn the actual average policy-related predispositions of liberal and conservative Americans later report opinions that are 8-13% more moderate, on average. Thus, citizens appear to consider peers' positions within public debate when forming their own opinions and adopt slightly more extreme positions as a consequence."The Parties in Our Heads: Misperceptions About Party Composition and Their Consequences" (co-authored with Gaurav Sood)We document a consequential and heretofore unnoted perceptual phenomenon in American politics and public opinion: people considerably overestimate the share of party-stereotypical groups in the mass-level parties. For instance, people think that 32% of Democratic sup- porters are LGBT (6% in reality) and 38% of Republican supporters earn over $250,000 per year (2%). We demonstrate that these perceptions are genuine and party-specific, not artifacts of expressive responding, innumeracy, or ignorance of base rates. These misperceptions are relatively universal across partisanship and positively associated with political interest. With experimental and observational evidence, we document consequences of this perceptual bias: misperceptions are associated with partisan affect and attitudinal polarization, and when provided information about the actual share of various party-stereotypical groups in the out-party, partisans see supporters of the out-party as less extreme and feel less socially distant from them. Thus, people's skewed mental images of the parties appear to fuel intense partisanship."Irresponsible Partisanship and Democratic Accountability: How Citizens Understand Party Conflict"American citizens resent contemporary party conflict largely for its "process consequences." These include incivility, gridlock, and government dysfunction. This is puzzling because political science generally concludes that such "irresponsible partisanship" is strategic. That is, Democratic and Republican politicians manipulate and intensify conflict as an electoral and messaging strategy. I evaluate potential resolutions for this puzzle, namely that citizens perceive party conflict as affectively-driven rather than strategic—and, importantly, that their tendency to see their own party as motivated by in-group love and the out-party by out- group hate impedes their ability to hold elites accountable for its process consequences. With data from the 2015 IGS-California Poll, I find citizens see both parties as significantly more motivated by strategy than emotion, especially when conflict is presented in less abstract, more policy-related terms. However, I also show that citizens generally oppose or lack strong attitudes toward reforms that could potentially curb process consequences. This suggests that blindness to institutional externalities, rather than to elite strategy, sustains irresponsible partisanship.

Although sometimes controversial, agile methodologies have proven to be a viable choice for some software development projects. Projects suited to agile methodologies are those that involve new technology, have requirements that change rapidly, and are controlled by small, talented teams. Much literature about agile software development leans towards business products and non-government entities. Only a handful of literature resources mention agile software development being used in government contracts and even fewer resources mention research projects. NASA's Airspace and Traffic Operations Simulation (ATOS) is a research oriented simulation that doesn't follow the traditional business project mold. In an effort to gain a better understanding if agile could be used effectively in a NASA contract for a research oriented simulation project, this research looked at what agile practices could be effectively used to help gain simulation reliability while simultaneously allowing routine maintenance, current experiment support, new modeling additions, and comprehensive architectural changes.

ABSTRACT. This paper explores the nature of indigenous extended family relationships and determines its potential for designing new classroom structures in bicultural schools. The nature of indigenous family relationships is illustrated from the works of a Cree-Saulteux author, a UN human rights lawyer, a Pueblo education consultant, a Maori policy writer, and the writer's own experience in a Maori bicultural school using family-based relationships. All contributors advocate examination of indigenous family relationships as a source of educational reform. The children in the family-based bicultural classes had fewer late, absent, and dropout behaviours than comparable students in mainstream classes. RÉSUMÉ. Cet article analyse la nature des relations dans les familles élargies autochtones et détermine le potentiel que cela présente de concevoir de nouvelles structures scolaires dans les écoles biculturelles. La nature des relations dans les familles autochtones est illustrée par les oeuvres d'un auteur cri-saulteux, un avocat des droits de l'homme de l'ONU, un conseiller en éducation de Pueblo, un rédacteur de politique Maori et la propre expérience de l'auteur dans une école biculturelle Maori fondée sur les rapports familiaux. Tous les collaborateurs affirment que l'examen des relations dans les familles autochtones est une source de réforme scolaire. Les enfants des classes biculturelles fondées sur les rapports familiaux affichent un moins grand nombre de comportements de retard, d'absentéisme et de décrochage que les élèves comparables dans les classes du courant dominant.

Environmental mediation is a new & innovative attempt to overcome the policy stalemates that frequently hinder effective environmental policy making. It brings together environmentalists, business groups, government officials, & a neutral mediator in an attempt to negotiate a binding settlement to a specific controversy. This approach is described & its advantages over more traditional dispute resolution processes are discussed. Its ability to produce acceptable agreements in such a difficult policy area is explained. An account of a successful mediation project concerning Portage Island, Wash, is presented. Modified HA.

THE ORIGINAL RATIONALE FOR AMERICAN FOUNDATIONS WAS THAT THEY WOULD DIRECTLY AMELIORATE SOCIAL MISERIES OR IMPROVE SOCIAL FUNCTIONING. LATER FOUNDATIONS CONDUCTED RESEARCH WHICH THE GOVERNMENT COULD DIRECTLY AMELIORATE. TODAY A NEW RATIONALE IS NEEDED AND FOUNDATIONS SHOULD PUSH THEIR ANAYSIS TO A DEEPER LEVEL THAN GOVERNMENT OF BUSINESS HAS EITHER THE TIME OR THE INCENTIVE TO DO

Divorce by parliament in the 18th and early 19th centuries was long considered to be the preserve of the wealthy and the upper ranks of society. But while social standing has guided historians' analysis of those who obtained divorce, the standing of those who failed to obtain divorce has been largely overlooked. If rank or status is to serve true analytical purpose, the successful must be set against the failed. Juxtaposing the successes and failures by group across the period reveals that the upper echelons of society were by no means preferred. Even distinctive cases – for instance of multiple failure – were not decided on rank. Status is ultimately shown to be of limited significance. Although the sources are not at all explicit, from the analysis of certain specific cases, it would appear that moral and legal judgments (for example, on collusion) far outweighed any social prejudices.