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U članku se daje pregled najsustavnijih izračuna i procjena o demografskim i stvarnim ljudskim gubicima hrvatskih Nijemaca i Mađara prouzročenim Drugim svjetskim ratom. Uz usporedbu tih izračuna i procjena ukazuje se i na drugačije pokazatelje u historiografskim, publicističkim i viktimološkim radovima, i ponajprije na znatno pouzdanije poimenične popise ljudskih gubitaka – žrtvoslove. Naglašava se potreba propitivanja utemeljenosti broja i demografskih i stvarnih ljudskih gubitaka hrvatskih Nijemaca i Mađara i ponajprije strukture tih gubitaka u izračunima odnosno procjenama na koje se u hrvatskoj historiografiji i javnosti uglavnom poziva.

Najkontroverznije i neriješeno pitanje ljudskih gubitaka Hrvatske, i Jugoslavije, u Drugome svjetskom ratu broj je žrtava logora Jasenovac. Popisi žrtava logora Jasenovac te procjene i izračuni povjesničara i demografa najčešće su znatno različiti i u preširokom rasponu od potpunoga umanjivanja do nemogućih megalomanskih navoda te uvjetovani (dnevno)političkim ozračjem. Napose od vremena raspada SFR Jugoslavije pitanje broja žrtava logora Jasenovac iz jedinoga mogućega jednostranog i
"megalomanskog" tumačenja znatno se raslojava. U članku se prikazuju i propituju najvažniji historiografski i publicistički radovi o jasenovačkim žrtvama i njihovi odjeci u javnosti, od pristaša "umanjivanja" do zastupnika "megalomanskih" navoda, kao i malobrojna nastojanja nepristranoga sagledavanja toga pitanja u Hrvatskoj i Srbiji od početka 90-ih godina do sadašnjosti.

The unresolved and most controversial question of human losses for both Yugoslavia and Croatia in the Second World War is the number of fatalities at the Jasenovac camp. Name lists of human losses in Yugoslavia, and Croatia, in the Second World War and estimates made by historians as well as calculations by demographers often differ considerably. This is because the tallies proffered by estimates, calculations and/or lists of fatalities in the Jasenovac camp fall within an excessively broad range from complete minimization to megalomaniacal claims and they differ greatly from scholar to scholar, and are often rather contingent upon the (current) political climate. Based on the most important sources, historiographic and publicistic, and also statistical/demographic and victimological works, the numerical indicators of the Jasenovac camp fatalities are presented. First the initial, most often arbitrary estimates and claims on the number of fatalities at the Jasenovac camp are shown, followed by statistical/demographic calculations on the Jasenovac camp fatalities. Finally, it is demonstrated that the numerical indicators based on individual names of the Jasenovac camp fatalities based on more systematic research are much more reliable.

Numizmatički katalozi i literatura bilježe primjerke krivotvorenih austrijskih guldenskih novčanica nastalih potkraj 18. i osobito tijekom 19. stoljeća. Takve primjerke novčanica posjeduju i muzejske i privatne numizmatičke zbirke. Te krivotvorine izrađivali su i crtanjem, u manjim količinama, i tiskarskim postupcima, u većim količinama, iako su za krivotvorenje novca bile propisane stroge zakonske sankcije. Primjerci krivotvorina od 1 i 5 guldena (izdanja 7. srpnja 1866.) izrađeni tiskarskim postupcima i crtanjem osobito su zanimljivi zbog vremena nastanka i optjecaja u novčanom prometu, pa i zbog kvalitete izvedbe. U radu su prikazana obilježja tih krivotvorina. ; Numismatic catalogues and literature record specimens of forged Austrian gulden banknotes made at the end of the 18th and especially during the 19th century. These banknotes can be found in museum and private numismatic collections. The forgeries were made using drawing (smaller amounts) and printing techniques (larger amounts), although there were severe legislative sanctions for forging money. The examples of forged 1 and 5 guldens (issued on 7 July 1866) made by printing and drawing are especially interesting because of the time when they were made and their circulation, and also because of the quality of the work. The author shows the characteristics of these forgeries.

U Hrvatskoj su nakon Drugoga svjetskog rata za prehranu i opskrbu ratnih zarobljenika i osoba osuđenih na lišenje slobode s prisilnim radom uvedeni i korišteni novčani bonovi. Za prehranu i opskrbu osuđenica u Zavodu za prisilni rad Požega bonovi su uvedeni najvjerojatnije 1946. (izdanje: Zavod za prisilni rad Požega), bonovi za prehranu i opskrbu osuđenika na prisilnom radu u Fužinama uvedeni su najvjerojatnije 1950. (izdanje: Narodna Republika Hrvatska Uprava osuđeničke radne snage "Hidroelektra" Fužine), a bonovi za prehranu i opskrbu osuđenika na prisilnom radu u Sisku uvedeni su najvjerojatnije 1951. (izdanje: Uprava osuđeničke radne snage Sisak-Predgrađe). Zatvorski/logorski bonovi u Hrvatskoj 1945.-1951. malo su poznati, iako su zanimljiv prilog poznavanju represivnoga sustava, a i novčarske povijesti u razdoblju "narodne demokracije" u Jugoslaviji. ; After the Second World War money coupons were introduced and used in Croatia for the food and supplies of war prisoners and persons deprived of freedom with forced labour. Coupons for the food and supplies of women prisoners in the Forced Labour Institution in Požega were probably introduced in 1946 (issued by the Požega Institution for Forced Labour), coupons for the food and supplies of prisoners sentenced to forced labour in Fužine were probably introduced in 1950 (issued by the People's Republic of Croatia, "Hidroelektra" Fužine Administration for Prisoners' Labour), and coupons for the food and supplies of prisoners sentenced to forced labour in Sisak were probably introduced in 1951 (issued by the Sisak-Predgrađe Administration for Prisoners' Labour). The prison/camp coupons in Croatia from 1945-1951 are not well known although they are an interesting aspect of knowledge about the repression system and monetary history in the period of the "peoples' democracy" in Yugoslavia.

Branimir Altgayer was the most prominent Croatian of German nationality in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, but he was especially so during the period of the Independent State of Croatia. Altgayer was born December 8, 1897 in the town of Przekopane (Galicia), where his father (born in Osijek) served as an Austro-Hungarian cavalry lieutenant. Altgayer spent his childhood in Slavonia, where he was brought up in a Croatian cultural atmosphere. After completing Croatian public school in Kutjevo and Croatian Gymnasium in Osijek and Zemun, he attended an Austro-Hungarian cavalry cadet school in Moravia between 1912 and 1915. He was an officer (ensign) in the Austro-Hungarian army (after 1915) until the end of the first world war, serving on the Russian, Rumanian, and Italian fronts. He was wounded twice and decorated several times. In the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes he was a cavalry captain (first class) of the Royal army. Following four years of service, he resigned. He worked at various civilian occupations for a time, but returned to the military between 1924 and 1927. He was very active in the cultural and political life of the German minority of Osijek and Slavonia. He was selected to the united council of the German minority association, the Kulturbund of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia (Schwäbisch-Deutscher Kulturbund), in December 1934. He was a prominent representative of the so-called Renewal movement (Erneuerungsbewegung), a radical current in the Kulturbund. Following a conflict between the old leaders of the Germans in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia and the Renewalists which occasioned a split in the Kulturbund, Altgayer and the Renewalists are ejected from the Kulturbund for insubordination. At the beginning of 1936 he established a cultural and charitable organization for Germans of Slavonia in Osijek (Kultur-und Wohlfahrtsvereinigung der Deutschen in Slavonien). In January, 1939, he became a regional leader (Gauobmann) of the Germans in Slavonia (following the re-admittance of the Renewalists to the Kulturbund at the end of 1938). In early 1939, he leaves the Yugoslavian Radical Union, whose city councilor he was in Osijek, and joins the Croatian peasant party. After the creation of the Independent State of Croatia (NDH) in 1941, he was named leader of the German National Assembly for the NDH (Volksgruppenführer). From December 1941 he was director of state for the presidency of the NDH, but after January 1943 he was secretary of state for the same, and he was likewise promoted to the rank of reserve colonel in the Ustasha army. He was decorated by Leader of the Ustasha Dr. Ante Pavelic with the title "knight". For a short time in mid-1943 he went to the Eastern Front. At the end of the second world war he was deported to Yugoslavia from Austria by the British. In 1950, the district court of Zagreb sentenced him to death by firing squad. The sentence was carried out May 15, 1950. The investigative material of the Office of State Security (UDB-a) concerning Altgayer, especially the transcript of the trial from 1949, is an excellent source of information about the German minority in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia during the thirties and during the period of the Independent State of Croatia. (SOI : CSP: S. 638)

The author presents the situation and the fate of the Germans in the Danube-basin (German and Austrian minorities) in Croatia after the World War Two. He also deals with the fundamental problems (political, legal, cultural, economic demographic etc.) and points at the most important Yugoslav, Croatian and German sources and literature. (SOI : CSP: S. 233)