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World Affairs Online
In: Culture machine series
What does 'anticapitalism' really mean for the politics and culture of the twenty-first century? Anticapitalism is an idea which, despite going global, remains rooted in the local, persisting as a loose collection of grassroots movements and actions. Anticapitalism needs to develop a coherent and cohering philosophy, something which cultural theory and the intellectual legacy of the New Left can help to provide, notably through the work of key radical thinkers, such as Ernesto Laclau, Stuart Hall, Antonio Negri, Gilles Deleuze and Judith Butler. Anticapitalism and Culture argues that there is a strong relationship between the radical tradition of cultural studies and the new political movements which try to resist corporate globalization. Indeed, the two need each other: whilst theory can shape and direct the huge diversity of anticapitalist activism, the energy and sheer political engagement of the anticapitalist movement can breathe new life into cultural studies.Anticapitalism is an idea which, despite going global, remains rooted in the local, persisting as a loose collection of grassroots movements and actions. This work argues that there is a strong relationship between the radical tradition of cultural studies and the new political movements which try to resist corporate globalization.
In: Culture Machine Series
What does 'anticapitalism' really mean for the politics and culture of the twenty-first century?
Anticapitalism is an idea which, despite going global, remains rooted in the local, persisting as a loose collection of grassroots movements and actions. Anticapitalism needs to develop a coherent and cohering philosophy, something which cultural theory and the intellectual legacy of the New Left can help to provide, notably through the work of key radical thinkers, such as Ernesto Laclau, Stuart Hall, Antonio Negri, Gilles Deleuze and Judith Butler. Anticapitalism and Culture argues that there is a strong relationship between the radical tradition of cultural studies and the new political movements which try to resist corporate globalization. Indeed, the two need each other: whilst theory can shape and direct the huge diversity of anticapitalist activism, the energy and sheer political engagement of the anticapitalist movement can breathe new life into cultural studies. Anticapitalism is an idea which, despite going global, remains rooted in the local, persisting as a loose collection of
grassroots movements and actions. This work argues that there is a strong relationship between the radical tradition of cultural studies and the new political movements which try to resist corporate globalization. Contents: Introduction; 1. A political history of cultural studies, part one: The Post-War Years; 2. A political history of cultural studies, part two: The Politics of Defeat; 3. Another World is Possible: The Anti-Capitalist Movement; 4. (Anti)Capitalism and Culture; 5. Ideas in Action: Rhizomatics, Radical Democracy, and the Power of the Multitude; 6. Mapping the Territory: Prospects for Resistance in the Neoliberal Conjuncture; 7. Beyond the Activist Imaginary: Nomadic Strategies for the New Partisans; Conclusion - Liberating the Collective; Bibliography; Index.
What does 'anticapitalism' really mean for the politics and culture of the twenty-first century? Anticapitalism is an idea which, despite going global, remains rooted in the local, persisting as a loose collection of grassroots movements and actions. Anticapitalism needs to develop a coherent and cohering philosophy, something which cultural theory and the intellectual legacy of the New Left can help to provide, notably through the work of key radical thinkers, such as Ernesto Laclau, Stuart Hall, Antonio Negri, Gilles Deleuze and Judith Butler.
Anticapitalism and Culture argues that there is a strong relationship between the radical tradition of cultural studies and the new political movements which try to resist corporate globalization. Indeed, the two need each other: whilst theory can shape and direct the huge diversity of anticapitalist activism, the energy and sheer political engagement of the anticapitalist movement can breathe new life into cultural studies.Anticapitalism is an idea which, despite going global, remains rooted in the local, persisting as a loose collection of
grassroots movements and actions. This work argues that there is a strong relationship between the radical tradition of cultural studies and the new political movements which try to resist corporate globalization.
Introduction
1. A political history of cultural studies, part one: The Post-War Years
2. A political history of cultural studies, part two: The Politics of Defeat
3. Another World is Possible: The Anti-Capitalist Movement
4. (Anti)Capitalism and Culture
5. Ideas in Action: Rhizomatics, Radical Democracy, and the Power of the Multitude
6. Mapping the Territory: Prospects for Resistance in the Neoliberal Conjuncture
7. Beyond the Activist Imaginary: Nomadic Strategies for the New Partisans
Conclusion - Liberating the Collective
Bibliography
Index
In: The political quarterly, Volume 92, Issue 2, p. 202-210
ISSN: 1467-923X
AbstractOne of the most striking features of Labour Party politics during the years of Jeremy Corbyn's leadership was the recalcitrant lack of cooperation that he received from many Labour MPs, even after his remarkable success in the 2017 general election. This article systematically examines a number of possible explanations for this behaviour, including genuine divisions within the party over the issue of institutional anti‐semitism and over the politics of Brexit. Ultimately, it concludes that the most plausible explanation for MPs' opposition to Corbyn is simply the lack of material motivation for many of Labour's elected representatives and officials to pursue the end of a Labour government led by a political faction with which they themselves are not aligned.
In: Open cultural studies, Volume 4, Issue 1, p. 154-168
ISSN: 2451-3474
AbstractAttitudes to digital communication technologies since the 1990s have been characterized by waves of optimism and pessimism, as enthusiasts have highlighted their democratic and liberating potentials, while critics have pointed to the socially, politically and psychologically deleterious consequences of unchecked digital capitalism. This paper seeks to develop an analytical framework capable of appreciating and assessing the capacities of such technologies both to genuinely enhance democratic agency, and to become tools through which capitalist power is enhanced with widespread negative consequences. The paper in particular deploys my concept of 'potent collectivity' in order to name the type of democratic agency that such media technologies can be seen both to enable and enhance under certain circumstances, and to inhibit under others. It also considers the affective qualities of 'potent collectivity', and in particular the utility of a Deleuzo-Spinozan concept of 'collective joy' as designating the affective quality typical of 'potent collectivity'. The paper uses the specific example of left-wing political activism in the UK during the period 2015-17 to illustrate the potential for platform technologies to enable new forms of democratic mobilization, while arguing for an analytical position that eschews any simple celebration of the liberating potential of new technologies; remaining sensitive to the negative features of 'platform capitalism'.
International audience ; This short commentary responds to Gary Hall's programatic critical provocation 'Anti-Bourgeois Theory'. It points to some of the issues involved in understanding the politics of French 'theory' when detached from its historical context, and invites reflection on the resonances between Hall's positions and those of some key thinkers in the Marxist tradition.
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In: IPPR progressive review, Volume 26, Issue 2, p. 161-172
ISSN: 2573-2331
What would a democratic public sector feel like?
What has been the nature of capitalism's post-2008 crisis? This contribution argues its requirement for a creative dynamic population presents the greatest threat to capitalism's ability to reproduce continued inequality and undermine democracy. By mid 2015 a sense of severe 'organic crisis' (Gramsci's term) where ruling elites could be removed was not especially obvious outside Southern Europe (or in the UK outside Scotland) since capitalism's creative destruction may be considered inherently crisis-ridden. In this respect the decades old political settlement, consisting of ritualistic participation in a democracy that ensured a neoliberal programme will not be subject to any major revision or challenge, carried on unimpeded.Broad public consent for austerity measures in the UK was won off the back of a hysterical presentation of events in Greece. Cuts to public provision were cleverly and selectively directed at the weakest and most vulnerable underpinned by very traditional forms of legitimisation that of media demonization of these groups. The 'management of inequalities' (Maurizio Lazzarato's term) functioned successfully in the UK so as to prevent the framing of coherent alternatives or sets of democratic demands: this is why radical digital activism – despite setbacks – may yet prove to be important.
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In: Soundings: a journal of politics and culture, Volume 60, Issue 60, p. 29-41
ISSN: 1741-0797