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AbstractFor a long time, since China's opening to the outside world in the late 1970s, admiration for foreign socioeconomic prosperity and quality of life characterized much of the Chinese society, which contributed to dissatisfaction with the country's development and government and a large-scale exodus of students and emigrants to foreign countries. More recently, however, overestimating China's standing and popularity in the world has become a more conspicuous feature of Chinese public opinion and the social backdrop of the country's overreach in global affairs in the last few years. This essay discusses the effects of these misperceptions about the world, their potential sources, and the outcomes of correcting misperceptions. It concludes that while the world should get China right and not misinterpret China's intentions and actions, China should also get the world right and have a more balanced understanding of its relationship with the world.

For a long time, since China's opening to the outside world in the late 1970s, admiration for foreign socioeconomic prosperity and quality of life characterized much of the Chinese society, which contributed to dissatisfaction with the country's development and government and a large-scale exodus of students and emigrants to foreign countries. More recently, however, overestimating China's standing and popularity in the world has become a more conspicuous feature of Chinese public opinion and the social backdrop of the country's overreach in global affairs in the last few years. This essay discusses the effects of these misperceptions about the world, their potential sources, and the outcomes of correcting misperceptions. It concludes that while the world should get China right and not misinterpret China's intentions and actions, China should also get the world right and have a more balanced understanding of its relationship with the world.

AbstractWhy are Chinese people moving abroad in unprecedented numbers? Using unique experimental and survey data, this research finds that Chinese citizens with more positive perceptions and, especially, overestimation of foreign socioeconomic conditions are more interested in going abroad. Moreover, correcting socioeconomic overestimation of foreign countries reduces their interest in leaving China, indicating that there is a causal effect from rosier perceptions of foreign conditions to higher interest in going abroad, and emigration does not always represent well-informed "voting with the feet." The relationship between international political knowledge and exit intentions, on the other hand, is not significant or consistent, suggesting that Chinese citizens' interest in going abroad is more socioeconomic than political in nature. These results contribute to the study of citizen misinformation, challenge a prevalent assumption in the international migration literature, and help us understand one of the most important social trends in the world's largest developing and authoritarian country.

The notion of 'suzhi' (素质), which roughly means human quality or character, features prominently in public and intellectual discourses in China about the country's social and political development, including the prospects for democratization. Despite the pervasive use of the concept by both the government and society, few studies have analyzed whether suzhi is really the root cause of the myriad social issues that have been attributed to it. This article problematizes the notion of suzhi and shows through simple game-theoretic analyses of two heavily debated issues in China that such a predominant focus on suzhi is misguided and misses the crucial role of social expectations in multiple-equilibria social interactions. In fact, without good social expectations even 'high suzhi' people would behave as if they were of 'low suzhi', which perhaps best characterizes many social phenomena in contemporary China. The results of the study thus have critical implications for a successful social and political transition. (J Contemp China/GIGA)

Despite the prevalence of anti-government rumors in authoritarian countries, little is currently known about their effects on citizens' attitudes toward the government, and whether the authorities can effectively combat rumors. With an experimental procedure embedded in two surveys about Chinese internet users' information exposure, this study finds that rumors decrease citizens' trust in the government and support of the regime. Moreover, individuals from diverse socio-economic and political backgrounds are similarly susceptible to thinly evidenced rumors. Rebuttals generally reduce people's belief in the specific content of rumors, but often do not recover political trust unless the government brings forth solid and vivid evidence to back its refutation or win the endorsement of public figures broadly perceived to be independent. But because such high-quality and strong rebuttals are hard to come by, rumors will erode political support in an authoritarian state. These findings have rich implications for studies of rumors and misinformation in general, and authoritarian information politics in particular.

Do knowledge and information about foreign countries affect people's evaluation of domestic situations? Using unique survey and experimental data, this research finds that Chinese citizens with more positive perceptions and especially overestimation of foreign socioeconomic conditions have more negative evaluations of China and the Chinese government. Moreover, correcting socioeconomic misinformation about foreign countries improves one's evaluations of China, indicating that the causal direction is at least partly from rosier estimation of foreign conditions to lower domestic evaluations. The relationship between domestic evaluations and international political knowledge, as measured by familiarity with political affairs and figures in foreign countries, is typically not significant, although awareness of political instability in other countries can increase satisfaction with one's own country. These results contribute both substantively and conceptually to the study of politically relevant knowledge and information, and shed new light on the nuances of information flow and opinion formation in changing societies.