Citizenship and Collective Identity in Europe
In: Routledge Advances in European Politics Ser
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In: Routledge Advances in European Politics Ser
In: West European politics, Volume 40, Issue 2, p. 497-499
ISSN: 1743-9655
In: Communist and post-communist studies: an international interdisciplinary journal, Volume 49, Issue 3, p. 255-267
ISSN: 0967-067X
World Affairs Online
In: Political studies review, Volume 12, Issue 2, p. 276-277
ISSN: 1478-9302
In: Citizenship and identity in the welfare state, p. 19-36
"The goal of this chapter is to Sketch the contours of the relationship between citizenship and welfare. In order to do so, the author will use the concept of 'welfare citizenship', which has had a limited use in the scholarly debate so far. In the following section he will first discuss the nexus of welfare and citizenship. Next, he will explore the conceptual dimensions of citizenship, by disaggregating it into three components of rights, obligations and compliance. Following this, the author will use this disaggregation of citizenship as a point of departure for the models of citizenship. He will use each of these components of citizenship to construct generic models of citizenship, to which he will ascribe types of welfare citizenship. These three models of citizenship include the republican, the liberal and the caesarean citizenship." (author's abstract)
In: West European politics, Volume 35, Issue 4, p. 944-945
ISSN: 1743-9655
In: West European politics, Volume 35, Issue 4, p. 944-946
ISSN: 0140-2382
In: Europe Asia studies, Volume 63, Issue 6
ISSN: 1465-3427
Many authors have discussed issues connected with the EU's quest for more legitimacy through establishing a collective identity. A plethora of publications stress that collective identity contributes in a crucial manner to societal and political cohesion among EU citizens and EU elites. The EU has been trying to construct a collective identity by applying identity technologies towards its own citizens. These identity technologies work in a top-down manner. Adapted from the source document.
In: Erwachsene Nachbarschaft: die deutsch-polnischen Beziehungen 1991 bis 2011, p. 92-106
Die deutsch-polnischen Beziehungen im Kontext der EU zeichneten sich in den letzten 20 Jahren durch eine außenpolitische Diskontinuität aus. Während in den 1990er Jahren die polnische Außenpolitik gegenüber Deutschland größtenteils durch die Suche Polens nach deutscher Unterstützung für den polnischen Beitritt zur NATO und zur EU gekennzeichnet war, lässt sich in den Jahren seit 2000 eine Wende zu mehr außenpolitischem Selbstbewusstsein Polens beobachten. Das Entscheidungssystem des Vertrags von Nizza übersetzte dabei die polnische Bevölkerungsstärke in eine relativ hohe Anzahl von Stimmen im EU-Ministerrat. Damit befand sich Polen mit seinem EU-Beitritt, gemessen an der Stimmenzahl, fast auf der gleichen machtpolitischen Ebene wie Deutschland. Für die Analyse der Beziehungen im Geflecht Polen - Deutschland - EU in den letzten zehn Jahren sind mehrere Eckpunkte von Bedeutung, die im vorliegenden Beitrag diskutiert werden. Dazu gehören der Verfassungskonvent, die Kontroversen um den Verfassungsvertrag, die Verhandlungen über den Reformvertrag von 2007 sowie die Implementierung des Lissabonner Vertrags. Während die ersten drei Aspekte ein hohes Konfliktpotenzial zwischen Polen und Deutschland aufzeigten, verlief die Implementierung des Vertrags von Lissabon relativ konfliktfrei. Der Beitrag schließt mit einem kurzen Ausblick auf die Jahre 2011-2013. (ICI2)
In: European Law Journal, Volume 17, Issue 1, p. 66-79
SSRN
Inhalt: Introduction: The problem at hand Approaches to EU's external identity making Mechanisms of external identity making Theoretical approaches to the EU's external identity making The EU's external identity promotion The ENP policy instruments Conclusions References
BASE
The Polish discourse about the European Constitution has one feature in common with the discourses of other member states: it deals with everything but the text of the Constitution Treaty itself. At its core it oscillates between the Polish striving for power in the EU and the toleration for cultural difference in Europe. The opposite of the latter has been particularly significant during the referendum debates in France and the Netherlands, which let to the rejection of the constitutional treaty.
BASE
In: The Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics, Volume 23, Issue 4, p. 501-524
Constitutionalization - the creation of a formal 'constitution' for the European Union - has been seen as a response to the eastern enlargement, on the basis of the three main functions of constitutions: the organizational function, the stabilization function and the legitimating function. However, functional arguments are not sufficient for explaining the constitutionalization of the EU as a response to this enlargement. An alternative explanation refers to the behaviour of the large member states acting in their own self-interest to shift the power relations in the EU in their favour. Using conventions as the method of bringing this about has served both to legitimize and to conceal this motivation. This factor in the evolution of the European Union carries implications for the countries that aspire to become EU members. Adapted from the source document.
In: Welt-Trends: das außenpolitische Journal, Volume 15, Issue 54, p. 11-23
ISSN: 0944-8101
World Affairs Online
In: Welt-Trends: das außenpolitische Journal, Issue 54, p. 11-23
ISSN: 0944-8101
The article refers to collective identity as a sense of commonness between individuals that fosters a general commitment to the public interest. In order to establish the link between collective identity & citizenship, three models of citizenship are explored (republican, liberal & caesarean). Finally, the model of European citizenship & its corresponding collective identity are elaborated. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.