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During the Cold War, the influence of Maoism as a third way of establishing a new international order inspired several Latin American guerrilla groups, including some in Mexico. This article analyzes the influence of Maoism in Mexico in particular, and pays specific attention to how Florencio Medrano, a peasant leader, was motivated by Maoist thought to establish the Rubén Jaramillo Proletarian Neighborhood, a self-governing neighborhood, and how this site was considered a critical factor for his development as a guerrilla. In the continuing debate over the relationship between agency and structure, the life and work of Florencio Medrano evidences how both social context and personal history influenced his aspirations and demands. By conducting an analysis of primary and secondary sources, this article analyzes some elements of Maoist thought and its diffusion in Latin America in the context of the Cold War. In addition, the article explains the political formation of Florencio Medrano in the Mexican post-revolutionary period, examines Maoist influences on his political formation and participation in pro-communist organizations, and reviews Maoist influence on the organization of the Rubén Jaramillo Neighborhood. Finally, the conclusions emphasize how the peasant origins of Medrano gave rise to his particular understanding of Maoism.

This article analyzes Chinese diplomacy during the Covid-19 crisis and the struggle for control of narratives aimed at constructing an image of a responsible nation. In this paper I assume that the emergence of COVID-19 represented a critical problem for the legitimacy of the Chinese Communist Party, forcing the authorities to fight not only to contain the spread of the virus but also to create and maintain a favorable public opinion regarding management of the crisis both nationally and internationally. It is in this context that the Chinese government launched an active diplomacy offensive, presenting itself as a responsible state through both "Wolf Warrior Diplomacy" and "Mask Diplomacy". Based on Foucault´s approach to the Regime of Truth, I analyze the narratives and activities of the Chinese government and how diplomacy was employed in order to create a truth about the coronavirus outbreak. In addition, I review how social mechanisms and conventions were utilized to emphasize and validate knowledge linked to power systems. I conclude that if the Chinese government has the "truth" as a part of a regime, it both enhances the legitimacy of the Chinese Communist Party and increases its power. At the same time a strong Chinese government is able to devote significant resources to spreading a discourse both nationally and internationally which is purportedly true. The point of the discourse however is to further strengthen the power of the CCP, rather than to achieve global hegemony.

This article analyzes Chinese diplomacy during the Covid-19 crisis and the struggle for control of narratives aimed at constructing an image of a responsible nation. In this paper I assume that the emergence of COVID-19 represented a critical problem for the legitimacy of the Chinese Communist Party, forcing the authorities to fight not only to contain the spread of the virus but also to create and maintain a favorable public opinion regarding management of the crisis both nationally and internationally. It is in this context that the Chinese government launched an active diplomacy offensive, presenting itself as a responsible state through both "Wolf Warrior Diplomacy" and "Mask Diplomacy". Based on Foucault´s approach to the Regime of Truth, I analyze the narratives and activities of the Chinese government and how diplomacy was employed in order to create a truth about the coronavirus outbreak. In addition, I review how social mechanisms and conventions were utilized to emphasize and validate knowledge linked to power systems. I conclude that if the Chinese government has the "truth" as a part of a regime, it both enhances the legitimacy of the Chinese Communist Party and increases its power. At the same time a strong Chinese government is able to devote significant resources to spreading a discourse both nationally and internationally which is purportedly true. The point of the discourse however is to further strengthen the power of the CCP, rather than to achieve global hegemony. ; Este artículo analiza la diplomacia china en el año 2020 durante la pandemia de COVID-19 y la lucha por el control de narrativas cuya finalidad era construir una imagen favorable de China en el escenario internacional. Así, se asume que el surgimiento del COVID-19 representó un problema crítico para la legitimidad del Partido Comunista Chino (PCCH), obligando a las autoridades a luchar no solamente para contener la propagación del virus, sino también para crear y mantener una opinión pública favorable respecto de la gestión de la ...

This article seeks to analyze International Business Diplomacy within the context of the New Silk Road, the largest geoeconomic initiative from the Chinese government. The magnitude of the obstacles faced by the Chinese government is discussed, under the theorethical framework of Complex Interdependence proposed by Kohane and Nye. Additionally, direct participation of non-state actors is proposed as an alternative for conflict resolution on the different issues that may arise. Specifically, Chinese enterprises with a substantial involvement in the different projects are encouraged to protect their own comercial interests, without relying on their own government or from traditional diplomacy. Those mechanisms are insufficient, in lieu of the magnitude of the project and the multiplicity of actors; therefore, international business diplomacy will be necessary to embrace stakeholders and improve the probabilities of success of the entire project. ; En el presente trabajo se analiza la diplomacia internacional de negocios en el contexto de la Nueva Ruta de la Seda, la iniciativa geoeconómica más importante del gobierno chino. Se parte del supuesto teórico de la Interdependencia Compleja de Kohane y Nye, para señalar la magnitud de los obstáculos que se deberán solventar. Asimismo, se plantea como mecanismo complementario la participación directa de actores no estatales en la resolución de los conflictos y se sugiere que las empresas chinas con una participación en los proyectos de la Nueva Ruta de la Seda intervengan directamente en defensa de sus propios intereses comerciales, sin depender de su gobierno o de la diplomacia tradicional. Se debe recurrir a la diplomacia internacional de negocios para acercar las posiciones de las partes involucradas y aumentar las probabilidades de éxito del proyecto.

Este artículo analiza el papel de México en el régimen de la Cooperación Internacional para el Desarrollo (CID) como ejemplo de localización normativa invertida. En las primeras tres secciones se considera el contexto histórico en el que la CID se originó y devino norma internacional, los cambios propiciados por el fin de la Guerra Fría y el ascenso de los BRICS, respectivamente; en la cuarta sección se introduce el concepto de "países argamasa", para referirse a aquellos que sirven de vínculo o cemento entre las dos principales partes en la política del régimen de CID actual. Finalmente, nos enfocamos en el caso mexicano como un país argamasa que localizó –invirtiendo o modificando– la norma internacional en cuestión. ; This article analizes the role of Mexico in the International Development Cooperation (IDC) regime as an instance of inverted normative localization. The first three sections look at the historical context in which IDC originated and became an international norm, the changes brought to it by the end of the Cold War, and the emergence of the BRICs, respecively; the fourth section introduces the concept of "mortar countries" to refer to those that serve as a link or cement between the two main camps in politics of the IDC regime. Finally, the article deals in some detail with the Mexican case as an instance of a "mortar country" country that localized the international norm in an inverted or modified manner. ; Sección Estudios. ; Instituto de Relaciones Internacionales (IRI)

Este artículo tiene como objetivo analizar el rol que Países Latinoamericanos de Renta Media Alta (PLRMA) asumen en la reconfiguración del régimen de la Cooperación Internacional para el Desarrollo (CID). Para ello, se parte de un enfoque teórico constructivista que sugiere que la identidad de los Estados desempeña un papel fundamental en las relaciones internacionales. Así, se contrastan los supuestos teóricos constructivista con el discurso asumido por estos países en la Primera Reunión de Alto Nivel de la Alianza Global para la Cooperación Eficaz al Desarrollo. Los resultados muestran que la postura de dichos países es resultado de un proceso intersubjetivo de identidades que incide en la transformación del régimen de la CID. El artículo concluye destacando la importancia de las identidades para determinar dos visiones de la CID en Latinoamérica, entre la conciliación y la alternancia del régimen actual.

Chapter 1. Covid-19, Resilience, and Cities: A Conceptual Introduction -- Chapter 2. COVID-19, Gated Communities and Urban Resilience: A Comparative Analysis between China and Colombia -- Chapter 3. Cities' Health Dimension Post-Pandemic: Brazil Urban Planning Aspects -- Chapter 4. Planning the Equitable Distribution of Services in Emerging Regions: Atizapán de Zaragoza, Mexico and Yinchuan, China -- Chapter 5. Appropriate Population Mobility Management in an Epidemic -- Chapter 6. Diversification of Urbanism in the Process of City Region Transformation -- Chapter 7. "The Great Equalizer"? The Long-Term Effects of the COVID-19 Pandemic on Poverty, Inequality and the 2030 Agenda in Latin America -- Chapter 8. Re-Signifying Domestic Space in Times of Confinement based on Biophilic Design -- Chapter 9. Feeding, Solidarity and Care: The Grassroots Experiences of Latin American Soup Kitchens in a Global Pandemic -- Chapter 10. The Impact of COVID-19 on Informal Settlements in Buenos Aires, Argentina -- Chapter 11. Feeding Cities During COVID-19 Lockdowns: Responses from China and Latin America -- Chapter 12. A Typological Analysis of Nursing Home Environments During the COVID-19 Pandemic: Risks and Potential -- Chapter 13. Cultural Tourism and the Economic Recovery of Cities Post-COVID-19 -- Chapter 14. City Governance and Resilience During the COVID-19 Emergency: A Case Study of Mexico City -- Chapter 15. Building Strategies and Resilience in the Face of a Pandemic in Urban China and Brazil: COVID-19, Access to Water and Inequality -- Chapter 16. Cities, COVID-19, and International Development Cooperation: Challenges and Opportunities -- Chapter 17. "Universities in Lockdown": The Impact of Reduced International Student Mobility upon Cities in the Post-COVID 19 Era -- Chapter 18. Vulnerability after COVID-19 and the Response of a Developing City: The Case of Bogota, Colombia -- Chapter 19. Conclusions: COVID-19 and Cities: Experiences from Latin American and Asian Pacific Cities.