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In the article we analyze the election campaign processes for the European Parliament election in Slovenia in 2004. We emphasize different theoretical explanations of election campaigns, among which we synthesize three important sets of contents, defined as process-organizational, media & system elements of the campaign. In the article we analyze the existence of all mentioned contents, where we predict that we can talk about some sort of connection between the efficiency of the election campaign or the decision about the selection of the campaign elements & final election effects of final party success at the elections. On the basis of the exposed efficiency indicators & implemented analysis in the case of Slovenian election campaign for the European ejection we can not confirm the connectedness between different campaign activities & final election result between the competitive political parties. Tables, Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.

In the article we analyze the election campaign processes for the European Parliament election in Slovenia in 2004. We emphasize different theoretical explanations of election campaigns, among which we synthesize three important sets of contents, defined as process-organizational, media & system elements of the campaign. In the article we analyze the existence of all mentioned contents, where we predict that we can talk about some sort of connection between the efficiency of the election campaign or the decision about the selection of the campaign elements & final election effects of final party success at the elections. On the basis of the exposed efficiency indicators & implemented analysis in the case of Slovenian election campaign for the European ejection we can not confirm the connectedness between different campaign activities & final election result between the competitive political parties. Tables, Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.

The processes of Europeanization have invaded the public policy sphere & introduced into it, among other things, the altered views of the roles of policy players & their relationships in the processes of the formation & the implementation of public policy. As soon as these new developments had been detected, numerous political science debates understandably ensued about the changed roles & competences of the actors who operate at different political levels in the European Union. The paper begins with the definition of the policy actor in the research of the EU policy process. The usability of the traditional & the contemporary understanding of the policy actor in the EU policy system is looked into by means of the indicators of (non)statehood & the existing view of the role of the state, thereby articulating the dilemmas & the prospects for the potential new taxonomies of policy actors that might emerge as a consequence of the policy activity at the EU level, since the newly identified features breed suspicion in the unequivocal adequacy of the existing taxonomy of the actors. Also, the appropriateness of the categorization of the players according to their political level or to the structural-functional character of their activities is discussed. References. Adapted from the source document.

In exploring the first two decades of evolution of political programmes applied for the electoral processes in Slovenia, a young European multiparty parliamentary democracy with a proportional electoral system and multiparty government coalitions, the article contributes to a rich tradition of studying the programmes of political parties as relevant narrators of the development of democratic systems and suggests an answer to 'why do parties write manifestos?' The main findings include the distinct issue emphasis of parliamentary and non-parliamentary parties' manifestos and convergence in issue emphasis over time among parliamentary parties who go on to form coalition governments. Regarding the 'why', these and other findings indicate that the manifestos considered here are intended more for post-election purposes – in particular, for the formation of alliances and negotiating and running a coalition government – than for attracting voters in the pre-election period. Party programmes are seen more as self-intended tools for political struggle than as promoters or control mechanisms for the further development of the democratic political system.

This article draws on the assumption that certain congruence between the parties' electoral platforms and of the succeeding government's performance shall exist in democratic systems and shall, as such, be considered as an important research topic for the researchers of democratic policy-making processes and political systems in general. In the article, we analyse whether the contents of parties' electoral programmes and the contents of key post-electoral governmental policy documents — that is, the coalition agreement, the government sessions' agenda and governmental weekly press releases —correspond to each other. Slovenia, as one of the younger EU democracies, is used as a case study to test the application of the stated. Original Manifesto Research on Political Representation (MARPOR) methodology for quantifying documents' content is applied and analysis primarily focuses on governmental period of the first right-centred government from 2004 to 2008. The conclusions confirm the existence of issue congruence in the period of the analysed electoral cycle, and at the same time reveal substantial specifics between the hierarchy of political to policy issue orientations of the government and its constitutive political parties. Consequently, an initiative for constructing a tentative theory of political documents is put forward on the basis of inductive research conclusions.

This article draws on the assumption that certain congruence between the parties' electoral platforms and of the succeeding government's performance shall exist in democratic systems and shall, as such, be considered as an important research topic for the researchers of democratic policy-making processes and political systems in general. In the article, we analyse whether the contents of parties' electoral programmes and the contents of key post-electoral governmental policy documents - that is, the coalition agreement, the government sessions' agenda and governmental weekly press releases -correspond to each other. Slovenia, as one of the younger EU democracies, is used as a case study to test the application of the stated. Original Manifesto Research on Political Representation (MARPOR) methodology for quantifying documents' content is applied and analysis primarily focuses on governmental period of the first right-centred government from 2004 to 2008. The conclusions confirm the existence of issue congruence in the period of the analysed electoral cycle, and at the same time reveal substantial specifics between the hierarchy of political to policy issue orientations of the government and its constitutive political parties. Consequently, an initiative for constructing a tentative theory of political documents is put forward on the basis of inductive research conclusions. [Copyright The Regents of the University of California; published by Elsevier Ltd.]

The study of electoral campaigns is nowadays one of the very topical & popular themes in the field of the scientific-research work. Electoral campaigns can be defined in several ways & from several points of view. In this paper, a campaign is understood as a set of diverse activities performed to influence the electoral result. These activities can be studied according to the political-system, time-space, organizational & instrumental dimensions of their performance. The key purpose of the paper is to analyze & typologize the features of electoral campaigns of today's urban municipality mayors in Slovenia during their standing as candidates in local elections in 2006. By using various methodological & statistical approaches & tools, it was found out in the analyzed cases that electoral campaigns were an important part of the electoral process & that, according to planning features & implementing plans, they were very specific in all the studied municipalities. Because of this, the campaigns in the studied elections were characterized as particular & highly localized. Despite these particularities, four different types of campaigns were highlighted according to the groups of similar features: a) traditional campaigns; b) charismatic candidate campaigns; c) modern local campaigns & d) an intense campaign mosaic. Regardless of the particularities of the campaign activities & processes, it turned out that they played an important role at the local level of political activity. Adapted from the source document.