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Tekst jest poświęcony problematyce związanej z kategorią stabilności politycznej. Celem głównym jest ustalenie zakresu semantycznego pojęcia stabilizowania na gruncie teorii polityki. Wywód został oparty na koncepcji decyzjonizmu Carla Schmitta oraz na analizie systemowej. W tekście zastosowano autorski podział analityczny na przypadki: a) destabilizacji; b) stabilizowania norm społecznych; c) stabilizowania norm prawnych; d) stabilizowania rutynowego. Efektem wywodu jest wyodrębnienie i zdefiniowanie sytuacji, w których występuje proces stabilizowania politycznego. Ustalenia te są istotne dla badania systemów politycznych, ich ewolucji, trwania i rozpadu.

The article concerns the stability of a specific political system based on the so-called non--codified constitution, which was formed in the State of Israel. The main goal is to present and characterise the systemic position of the Supreme Court in this country and, above all, the competences of this body in the field of maintaining political stability and public order. There are two main hypotheses in the paper. According to the first one, the Supreme Court is especially predestined to perform stability functions. According to second hypothesis a system based on an uncodified constitution supports the actions of the Supreme Court aimed at achieving a state of political stability. In the course of the analysis, tools from such disciplines as political theory, jurisprudence and the science of constitutional law were used. At the beginning of the article, the research perspective was defined, the most important element of which is the operationalization of the general concept of "stability" and the concept of "political stability".

The investigations of this paper revolve around the concept of stability. We would like to make several analytical distinctions which would allow us to differentiate between various concepts of stability. The background of our work is the theory of political change supported by examples of this kind presented by Plato, Polybius, James Harrington, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, and Aristotle.The paper includes some remarks on Hobbes's and Hume's theories of stability which, strictly speaking, can be smoothly subsumed under a modern political concept thereof. Also worthy of note is the specification of the main subject-matter of political theories in terms of the problem of stability. Finally, we propose a sketch of the map of the problem of stability

In this paper I would like to present an interpretation of David Hume's political theory. Therefore, a method of investigation can be recognized as hermeneutical one. Main threads which I would like to emphasize are: concept of stability, distribution of power, role of an opinion in political dimension and a conservative attitude toward a change. I claim that important lesson for political science can be taken from his theory. Generally speaking, this lesson consists in refusing the so-called political regime fetishism and focusing on the relevant issues of social stability. These issues are strictly determined by the opinions, hence the proper subject-matter of political science is identified with them. As one of the conclusions I propose a thesis that politics is, and ought only to be slave of opinions, what is an allusion to a famous sentence from A Treatise of Human Nature that the reason is, and ought only to be the slave of the passions.

The article deals with the theory of deliberative democracy, which is considered from an analytical perspective. Its main aim is to identify the primary directive of the rationality of pluralism, which forms the meta- -argumentative level of discourse on deliberative democracy. In the article, we investigate the theoretical path that the idea of deliberative democracy has passed from Rawls' works through those of Cohen to Brian Barry's impartiality. We also refer to critical voices which highlight topics of interest. The main directives that we distinguish within the rationality of pluralism are: equality, justifi cation, procedure and impartiality. We also point out that these directives may lead to inconsistencies in theories of deliberative democracy. We indicate that the plurality of rationalities is an alternative approach to the rationality of pluralism; however, this is not within the scope of our argument in this article.

The author aims to explain the notion of rationality as an analytical tool. The main thesis is that rationality must be understood as a set of local rules. As rationality occurs in many cases, one can talk about pluralism of rationality. However, the author criticises the popular interpretation of 'local rationality' (Gianni Vattimo). He refers to the concept of language-games developed by Ludwig Wittgenstein. He advocates the conservative interpretation of Wittgenstein's works, which is in contrast to the relativistic (Richard Rorty) and emancipatory (Lotar Rasiński) interpretations. The text can be treated as an exegesis of Wittgenstein's theorem: 'Thinking is surrounded by a nimbus. Its essence, logic, presents an order: namely, the a priori order of the world; that is, the order of possibilities, which the world and thinking must have in common.'

The main purpose of this article is to describe and elaborate an axiology of new political movement named bioluddism orbioconservatism. We are going to focus on the right wing of biolludism, which embraces ideas and theories such authorsas John Kass, Francis Fukuyama and Michael Sandel. The background of our work is biopolitical litigation between bioluddists and transhumansists which takes place in contemporary USA. Common point to this theories is a crypto-religious character of theirs argumentation. In conclusion we are going to show the value of this kind of arguments inthe contemporary political and ideological context. ; The main purpose of this article is to describe and elaborate an axiology of new political movement named bioluddism or bioconservatism. We are going to focus on the right wing of biolludism, which embraces ideas and theories such authors as John Kass, Francis Fukuyama and Michael Sandel. The background of our work is biopolitical litigation between bioluddists and transhumansists which takes place in contemporary USA. Common point to this theories is a crypto-religious character of theirs argumentation. In conclusion we are going to show the value of this kind of arguments in the contemporary political and ideological context.

The main purpose of this article is to describe and elaborate an axiology of new political movement named bioluddism or bioconservatism. We are going to focus on the right wing of biolludism, which embraces ideas and theories such authors as John Kass, Francis Fukuyama and Michael Sandel. The background of our work is biopolitical litigation between bioluddists and transhumansists which takes place in contemporary USA. Common point to this theories is a crypto-religious character of theirs argumentation. In conclusion we are going to show the value of this kind of arguments in the contemporary political and ideological context. ; The main purpose of this article is to describe and elaborate an axiology of new political movement named bioluddism orbioconservatism. We are going to focus on the right wing of biolludism, which embraces ideas and theories such authorsas John Kass, Francis Fukuyama and Michael Sandel. The background of our work is biopolitical litigation between bioluddists and transhumansists which takes place in contemporary USA. Common point to this theories is a crypto-religious character of theirs argumentation. In conclusion we are going to show the value of this kind of arguments inthe contemporary political and ideological context.

The main purpose of this article is to describe and elaborate an axiology of new political movement named bioluddism or bioconservatism. We are going to focus on the right wing of biolludism, which embraces ideas and theories such authors as John Kass, Francis Fukuyama and Michael Sandel. The background of our work is biopolitical litigation between bioluddists and transhumansists which takes place in contemporary USA. Common point to this theories is a crypto -religious character of theirs argumentation. In conclusion we are going to show the value of this kind of arguments in the contemporary political and ideological context.

In the present paper we investigate, from the politico-philosophical point of view, the inconsistencies of legal solutions concerning reproductive freedom that are present in various jurisdictions in the civilised world. We hypothesise that an attempt to introduce into legal systems such institutions as preconception harm, prenatal harm or wrongful life without taking into consideration metaphysical questions of identity and ontological status of the foetus is doomed to failure. To boot, we pay attention to the relationship between these new legal inventions and the question of procreative liberty and women's rights.

In the present paper we investigate, from the politico-philosophical point of view, the inconsistencies of legal solutions concerning reproductive freedom that are present in various jurisdictions in the civilised world. We hypothesisethat an attempt to introduce into legal systems such institutions as preconception harm, prenatal harm or wrongful life without taking into consideration metaphysical questions of identity and ontological status of the foetus is doomed tofailure. To boot, we pay attention to the relationship between these new legal inventions and the question of procreativeliberty and women's rights. ; In the present paper we investigate, from the politico-philosophical point of view, the inconsistencies of legal solutions concerning reproductive freedom that are present in various jurisdictions in the civilised world. We hypothesisethat an attempt to introduce into legal systems such institutions as preconception harm, prenatal harm or wrongful life without taking into consideration metaphysical questions of identity and ontological status of the foetus is doomed tofailure. To boot, we pay attention to the relationship between these new legal inventions and the question of procreativeliberty and women's rights.

In the present paper we investigate, from the politico-philosophical point of view, the inconsistencies of legal solutions concerning reproductive freedom that are present in various jurisdictions in the civilised world. We hypothesisethat an attempt to introduce into legal systems such institutions as preconception harm, prenatal harm or wrongful life without taking into consideration metaphysical questions of identity and ontological status of the foetus is doomed tofailure. To boot, we pay attention to the relationship between these new legal inventions and the question of procreativeliberty and women's rights. ; In the present paper we investigate, from the politico-philosophical point of view, the inconsistencies of legal solutions concerning reproductive freedom that are present in various jurisdictions in the civilised world. We hypothesisethat an attempt to introduce into legal systems such institutions as preconception harm, prenatal harm or wrongful life without taking into consideration metaphysical questions of identity and ontological status of the foetus is doomed tofailure. To boot, we pay attention to the relationship between these new legal inventions and the question of procreativeliberty and women's rights.