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"Flexible Authoritarianism examines the nature of regimes that incentivize individual personal growth and creative thinking while simultaneously repressing political freedom. Both neoliberal techniques and authoritarian practices inform the governmental style that characterizes this kind of regime. The book conveys the look and feel of flexible authoritarianism in Russia and its reception by those who experience the regime first-hand. It demonstrates how flexible authoritarianism is stabilized ideologically by the insignia of cool start-up capitalism, by familiar cultural forms such as the summer camp, and by the authoritarian practices of actors in politics, business, and civic life. The author's approach combines bottom-up and top-down perspectives, drawing on field observations, in-depth interviews, and analyses of documents and video clips. The book critically evaluates how loyalty to a flexible authoritarian regime is produced and contested in Russia among young people who appear likely to occupy key positions in politics, business, the public sector, and creative industries, and who thereby may support the regime in the future. While these potential strategic elites strive to attain the kinds of conveniences enjoyed by middle classes in economically prosperous states and are outspoken in their critique of corruption and favoritism in their country, they also accept and amplify the Russian government's practice of blaming poverty and slow development on passivity, indifference to the common good, and a lack of patriotism among ordinary citizens, rather than on self-serving indifference in the higher echelons of power"--

Flexible Authoritarianism examines the nature of regimes that incentivize individual personal growth and creative thinking while simultaneously repressing political freedom. Both neoliberal techniques and authoritarian practices inform the governmental style that characterizes this kind of regime. The book conveys the look and feel of flexible authoritarianism in Russia and its reception by those who experience the regime first-hand. It demonstrates how flexible authoritarianism is stabilized ideologically by the insignia of cool start-up capitalism, by familiar cultural forms such as the summer camp, and by the authoritarian practices of actors in politics, business, and civic life. The author's approach combines bottom-up and top-down perspectives, drawing on field observations, in-depth interviews, and analyses of documents and video clips. The book critically evaluates how loyalty to a flexible authoritarian regime is produced and contested in Russia among young people who appear likely to occupy key positions in politics, business, the public sector, and creative industries, and who thereby may support the regime in the future. While these potential strategic elites strive to attain the kinds of conveniences enjoyed by middle classes in economically prosperous states and are outspoken in their critique of corruption and favoritism in their country, they also accept and amplify the Russian government's practice of blaming poverty and slow development on passivity, indifference to the common good, and a lack of patriotism among ordinary citizens, rather than on self-serving indifference in the higher echelons of power.

Abstract
Performances of closeness—showing one's uncovered face, physically touching others, rhythmic chanting combined with hand gestures, and collective singing and dancing—were central to pandemic-skeptical protests in Germany. This article shows that publicly performing such intercorporeal practices can become a political act when governments and health professionals promote physical distancing and mask mandates. Moreover, it analyzes how pandemic skeptics used both visual and auditive symbols of resistance against past dictatorships that are popular in Germany's dominant national narrative to legitimate their protest and stage "the people." Protesters' invocation of a new totalitarianism closely connects to fears revolving around the erosion of representative democracy in neoliberal times and the emergence of a digitalized world ruled by mega-corporations that is seen to be threatened by anonymity and isolation.

Katharina Bluhm and Mihai Varga (eds.): New Conservatives in Russia and East Central Europe. London: Routledge 2019. 978-1-138-49686-6

Since early 2020, the covid-19 pandemic has unfolded as a global crisis that poses significant challenges to governments and societies.1 Governments have reacted quite variably, with policies ranging from strict lockdowns over a longer period of time to flexible approaches with restriction of freedoms at very low thresholds of intrusion into citizens' rights.2 While the pandemic does not affect everyone equally, and some countries are more advanced in containing the virus than others, the sense of vulnerability and insecurity is widespread. In addition to the 6.5 million people who have died from covid-19 as of late August 2022, many more are affected by ongoing symptoms of long covid-19. Increased economic disparities and new forms of inequality only exacerbate the degree of uncertainty and the feeling that life is out of control.3 However, the popular yearning to regain control has not led to an unambiguous "desire for the state."4 Rather, trust in governments has fluctuated in the wake of the pandemic. If there was a "rally around the flag" effect, it was certainly not found in every country.5 Even if support for government regulations and restrictions were prevalent within a state, it was not shared equally by different parts of the population. In several countries, the pandemic has also given rise to substantial protests against the restriction of civic, economic, and social liberties, often driven by fears of state surveillance, libertarian rebellion against state paternalism, and conspiratorial beliefs.6