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Opisuju se i analiziraju najčešći razlozi raspuštanja lokalnih predstavničkih tijela. Brojne su postupovne situacije zanimljive u kontekstu takvog raspuštanja. Hrvatska je vlada ovlaštena imenovati povjerenika ne samo u slučaju raspuštanja lokalnog predstavničkog tijela nego i u slučajevima kad se ne održe lokalni izbori ili se nakon izbora ne konstituira lokalno predstavničko tijelo. Analizira se pravni status povjerenika. ; The most frequent reasons for dissolving local representative bodies are described and analysed. There are a plenty of procedural situations, which are interesting in the context of dissolving such bodies. The Croatian Government is entitled to appoint its commissioner not only in case of dissolving local representative body, but also in cases when local elections are not held and when local representative body cannot be constituted after the elections. Legal status of the commissioner is reviewed.

Specifičnost nadzora nad radom izvršnih i upravnih tijela lokalne samouprave leži u opreci između upravnih obilježja jedinice lokalne samouprave i njezinih samoupravnih obilježja. Stoga on treba biti ustrojen na način kojim se respektiraju samoupravne ovlasti lokalne samouprave, ali pritom istodobno štiti zakonitost u cjelokupnom pravnom sustavu. U radu se istražuju oblici nadzora nad izvršnim i upravnim tijelima jedinica lokalne samouprave u Hrvatskoj, pri čemu se, nakon razmatranja prirode nadzora, subjekata nadzora i nadzornih ovlasti, posebice analizira nadzor unutar samih tijela lokalne samouprave, hijerarhijski upravni nadzor od strane tijela područne (regionalne) samouprave te upravni i inspekcijski nadzor od strane Ministarstva uprave, upravnosudski nadzor kao i nadzor od strane pučkoga pravobranitelja. Poseban naglasak stavljen je na instrumente provođenja svakoga pojedinoga nadzora te na nadzorne ovlasti kojima raspolažu nadzorna tijela. Pritom se skreće pozornost na utjecaj koji na učinkovitost i djelotvornost nadzora imaju broj i veličina lokalnih jedinica i posljedično njihova objektivna sposobnost obavljanja poslova iz samoupravnog djelokruga. ; The specificity of supervision over the work of executive and administrative bodies of local self-government lies in the contradiction between administrative characteristics of units of local self-government and its self-administrative characteristics. Therefore, it should be organised in a way that respects the self-administration powers of local self-government, but at the same time, protects legality in the entire legal system. This paper investigates the supervision of executive and administrative bodies of units of local self-government in Croatia. Here, after considering the nature of the supervision, subjects of supervision and supervisory powers, in particular the forms of supervision are analysed over executive and administrative bodies of units of local self-government, hierarchical administrative supervision by bodies of regional self-government and administrative and inspectorial supervision by the Ministry of Administration, administrative court supervision as well as supervision by the ombudsman. Particular emphasis is placed on the instruments for implementation of every individual supervision and on the supervisory powers at the disposal of supervisory bodies. Thereby attention is given to the influence on the efficiency and effectiveness of supervision, the number and size of local units and consequently their objective capability to carry out duties within the sphere of self-government.

Specifičnost nadzora nad radom izvršnih i upravnih tijela lokalne samouprave leži u opreci između upravnih obilježja jedinice lokalne samouprave i njezinih samoupravnih obilježja. Stoga on treba biti ustrojen na način kojim se respektiraju samoupravne ovlasti lokalne samouprave, ali pritom istodobno štiti zakonitost u cjelokupnom pravnom sustavu. U radu se istražuju oblici nadzora nad izvršnim i upravnim tijelima jedinica lokalne samouprave u Hrvatskoj, pri čemu se, nakon razmatranja prirode nadzora, subjekata nadzora i nadzornih ovlasti, posebice analizira nadzor unutar samih tijela lokalne samouprave, hijerarhijski upravni nadzor od strane tijela područne (regionalne) samouprave te upravni i inspekcijski nadzor od strane Ministarstva uprave, upravnosudski nadzor kao i nadzor od strane pučkoga pravobranitelja. Poseban naglasak stavljen je na instrumente provođenja svakoga pojedinoga nadzora te na nadzorne ovlasti kojima raspolažu nadzorna tijela. Pritom se skreće pozornost na utjecaj koji na učinkovitost i djelotvornost nadzora imaju broj i veličina lokalnih jedinica i posljedično njihova objektivna sposobnost obavljanja poslova iz samoupravnog djelokruga. ; The specificity of supervision over the work of executive and administrative bodies of local self-government lies in the contradiction between administrative characteristics of units of local self-government and its self-administrative characteristics. Therefore, it should be organised in a way that respects the self-administration powers of local self-government, but at the same time, protects legality in the entire legal system. This paper investigates the supervision of executive and administrative bodies of units of local self-government in Croatia. Here, after considering the nature of the supervision, subjects of supervision and supervisory powers, in particular the forms of supervision are analysed over executive and administrative bodies of units of local self-government, hierarchical administrative supervision by bodies of regional self-government ...

Specifična grupa institucija koje kontroliraju upravu – neovisna kontrolna tijela (NKT) – djeluju kao produžena ruka zakonodavca, a time i građana, u nadzoru nad javnom upravom i nositeljima političke vlasti. Uz neovisnu poziciju u institucionalnom pejzažu, njihova je posebnost u tome da im zakonodavac daje određene kontrolne ovlasti nad subjektima nadzora, a u osnovi svog postupanja imaju načelo transparentnosti koje omogućuje građanima informiranje o rezultatima njihova rada. One su dio suvremenog institucionalnog razvoja demokratskih država, pa tako i Hrvatske, koja je u procesu pristupanja Europskoj uniji i sama uspostavila ili unaprijedila NKT kako bi osigurala kontrolu nad upravom i ojačala suzbijanje korupcije. Analiza četiriju NKT-a – Državnog ureda za reviziju, Državne komisije za kontrolu postupaka javne nabave, Povjerenstva za odlučivanje o sukobu interesa te Povjerenika za informiranje, pokazuje da su neovisna i odgovorna, ali da među njima postoje razlike u institucionalnom dizajnu s obzirom na vrijeme i kontekst u kojem su nastala. ; The independent control of bodies or ICB (NKT) which is a specific group of institutions controlling administration, act like an extension of the legislator and citizen in the supervision of public administration and bearers of political powers. Together with their independent position in the institutional landscape, their peculiarity lies in the legislator giving them certain control powers over subjects of supervision. At the foundation of their activity is the principle of transparency which gives citizens information on the results of their work. They are part of the modern institutional development of democratic states including Croatia, which during the process of entering the European Union independently established or improved ICB (NKT) to ensure control over administration and strengthened combatting corruption. Analysis of the four ICBs (NKT) – the Government Audit Office, State Commissions for controlling public procurement procedures, Boards for deciding on conflict of interest and Commissioners for informing show that they are independent and accountable. However, among them differences exist in institutional design given the time and context in which they came about.

The author outlines different understandings of homophobia, from the original meaning of an irrational fear homosexuals & homosexuality. to a more recent one in which it is equated with racism & antisemitism. Kurelie argues that the term is vague & politically counterproductive. By analyzing the debate on The Law on Registered Partnership in the Croatian parliament (Sabor), the author shows why, in his opinion, the Croatian parliament cannot be labeled homophobic, & why the concept of homophobia should be used only for serious manifestations of this phobia. The author suggests that a distinction should be made between homophobia & heterosexism & that the concept of antihomosexualism should be introduced. References. Adapted from the source document.

The speech given by Stjepan Mcsic, President of the Republic of Croatia, at the conference "15 Years of Croatian Democracy" held at the Faculty of Political Science of the University of Zagreb on 11 November 2005 gives an account of the evolution of democracy in Croatia. The importance of the role of the Croatian parliament (Sabor) is analyzed. The Croatian Sabor has not only been the institutional state/legal expression of the sovereignty of the Croatian people within various state & national entities (apart from the period between 1918 & 1941) but also an expression of communality as a manifestation of the freedom of speech, assembly & agreement -- in short, the ultimate expression of the popular democratic spirit. In this speech, various aspects of the democratic development in Croatia since 1990 are analyzed. It is pointed out that in the last fifteen years Croatia has witnessed social & political protests & conflicts on a variety of occasions & for a variety of reasons, proving that it is capable of coping with ideological, social & political antagonisms & discords. Adapted from the source document.

Quantitative tables are produced showing, in numerical & % values, the outcome of 1992, 1992, 1995, & 1997 elections for the two houses of the Croatian parliament & county assemblies. The data specify the gains of individual parties in the House of Representatives & House of Counties & in the assemblies of all the counties of the Croatian Republic by giving the % of votes received & number of seats won in each of the elections. Z. Dubiel

Taking as his starting point the fact that without opposition there is no democracy, the author lists essential & sufficient conditions for the establishment of democracy in Croatia. Instead of the definition that democracy means decision making by the majority, the author proposes the definition of democracy as decision making by the majority, which takes into consideration the opinion of the minority. Such a type of democracy is called "consensual" & is particularly significant in a multinational & socially polarized society. The author distinguishes three ideal types of democracy: political, social, & economic. On the basis of such theoretical observations, he proposes measures for overcoming the conflicts & for increasing the efficacy of the functioning of the Croatian Parliament. Adapted from the source document.

The discussion about the character & actual role of the parliament in Croatia does not easily differentiate political & scientific opinions, which is in accord with the experiences of advanced democracies. The author considers a scientific debate possible, however, if it is fundamental in the comparative method, & formulates three comparative starting points for such a debate. First, the historical role of the parliament as a symbol of Croatian statehood must be considered. The author considers that in the second half of the 19th century, the power of the governor (ban) was significantly more important in the preservation of Croatian sovereignty than the parliament. Second, a critical grading of the socialist theories on the rule of representative assembly is necessary. These have considerable influence on policy & theoretical discussion in postsocialist countries. Third, caution must be used in approaching Western-style parliamentarism, where the seat of power is in the executive, & the parliament plays only a minor control function. The author suggests that discussion about the Croatian parliament concentrate on increasing constitutional & functional possibilities & roles; eg, through institutions of parliamentary investigations, interpellations, & ombudsman. Adapted from the source document.

By applying the analytical model derived by Deegan-Krause, the paper analyzes social cleavages underpinning the party preferences in the elections for the Croatian Parliament in 2003. The results of the research carried out on a sample of 2,000 adult Croatian citizens by phone interviews two days before the elections indicate that this model has identified relatively shallow social cleavages underlying the voting behavior in the analyzed elections. Namely, out of thirteen analyzed attitudes only three significantly explain a part of the variance in party preferences, the most significant being the attitude concerning the cooperation with the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia in the Hague & the attitude concerning abortion. The results also show there is a significant link among certain socio-demographic characteristics, the attitudes about the political issues in question & the party preferences. This means that there might be a social cleavage at work here. Tables, Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.

The author's starting point is Locke's classical thesis that the rulers & the ruled are subject to universal laws & that their abuses are prevented by the institutional means of power sharing. The rule according to which nobody can be a judge in their own affairs unconditionally applies in all court or administrative proceedings. The problem arises when this legal thinking is applied to parliaments. Namely, in parliamentary work the incompatibility of the mandates of the legislative & the executive branch is annulled since the executive power gains the upper hand in the composition & substance of the legislature. Besides, The basic law (Grundgesetz) provides MPs with indemnity in their voting behavior & guarantees to them immunity from punishment for certain acts that other citizens would not be able to get away with. This relative freedom & independence of MPs is corrected by the rule books on the behavior of MPs that envision the necessity of their ethical conduct. The violations of the rules are sanctioned not so much by moderatorial law as by political means. The author's opinion is that deciding on their own affairs cannot be universally granted to parliaments. Constitutions allow, even call for, certain decisions on one's own affairs to be made. However, due to insufficient outside control, self-control must be increased, which implies legal obedience on the part of MPs so that laws become meaningful for all participants. Besides the ethical & political pressures that force the MPs to behave in a law-abiding manner, laws also exert positive pressure on them to see to it that their decisions serve the public good. Adapted from the source document.

The paper deals with the factors that determine the scope of the participation of women in parliamentary decision making. That scope depends, on the one hand, on the self-organization of women (in the US), & on the other, on the intervention of political agencies (the state, as is the case in socialist countries, or political parties, as is the case in Western democracies). Without either, the percentage of women participating in politics is drastically reduced (which happened in the countries in transition). 1 Table, 2 Graphs, 12 References. Adapted from the source document.

In studying the ways in which parties presented their programs prior to the 1992 elections for the House of Representatives in the Croatian parliament, one must start with a study of the parties' definitions of the social reality. The prominent political problems seen as priorities in the definition of the social reality can be divided into four large groups of problems: economy, internal policy, foreign policy, & war. An analysis of these will reveal differences in the parties' priorities of interests. The parties' definitions of the political reality make it possible to distinguish one party from the others & at the same time indicate various types of cooperation that would enable them to establish some "thematic alliances," which are deceptive because they are determined by party interests, values, & starting points. 6 Tables, 1 Figure, 9 References. Adapted from the source document.