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Among European countries, Italy is one of the relatively few cases to provide a quota of reserved parliamentary seats for non-resident citizens. Despite an increased scientific interest in the topic, the group of MPs elected in Overseas Constituencies remains overlooked in the available literature. The gap relates to factors such as their socio-biographical profile, precedent careers, parliamentary activity, the role played in their recruitment by the party abroad or at a national level, and their style of representation. In this vein, the article investigates the career profiles of Italian MPs elected in Overseas Constituencies from 2006 (the first elections with the introduction of citizen representatives living abroad) to 2022. Based on an original data set and through an analysis of their biographical and political characteristics, the article builds a typology of elected MPs abroad by cross-referencing two dimensions derived from the literature: the linkage with the host country and the presence of previous political and associational experiences. The analysis shows that different types of MPs have different career lengths and a different capacity to collect preference votes.

The present paper attempts to study political participation of people living at the cutting edge. The border between India and Pakistan is among the most hostile borders in the world, as both countries have fought many wars and have faced war like situations since 1947. The focus of ruling parties both at Centre and State, is the defence, and people living there remain neglected on all counts. The present study attempts to explore the political behaviour, attitude and orientations of the border people towards their state and national level politics. For this study, the post-poll survey data of 2014 general elections (Punjab) has been taken from the Centre for Studies of Developing Societies (CSDS), Delhi which is an autonomous research institution. Four border parliamentary constituencies of Punjab namely Gurdaspur, Amritsar, Khadoor Sahib and Ferozepur have been selected. This paper is divided into two parts: part I gives the information of the socio-economic profile of the respondents; part II analyses the political participation and political awareness level of border people. At the end, the study shows that SAD-BJP alliance has a dominating trend in the electoral politics of border area.

AbstractThis article compares two parliamentary constituencies in Warwickshire: one which might be expected to be Conservative but is held by Labour, and the other, a Labour seat for over fifty years, but now held by the Conservatives. Constituency level analyses permit a more fine‐grained analysis of electoral trends, taking account of demographic factors otherwise being overlooked. Labour needs to be able to appeal to the aspirational voters moving into Nuneaton.

THIS ARTICLE IS AN ATTEMPT TO ANSWER TWO BROAD QUESTIONS ABOUT U.S. PUBLIC OPINION TOWARD THE WAR IN NICARAGUA. THE FIRST, AND BROADER, IS WHAT THE OPINION OF THE MASSES IN THE U.S. WAS TOWARD THAT WAR, ESPECIALLY DURING THE REAGAN ADMINISTRATION. THE SUBSIDIARY QUESTIONS INCLUDE WHETHER THE PUBLIC PAID THE WAR MUCH ATTENTION, HOW MUCH INFORMATION IT HAD ABOUT THE WAR, AND WHETHER IT SUPPORTED THE POLICIES OF THE REAGAN AND BUSH ADMINISTRATIONS. THE SECOND GENERAL QUESTION IS WHAT THESE FINDINGS IMPLY FOR THE POLITICAL STRATEGY OF THOSE WHO SEEK TO PREVENT U.S. MILITARY AND ECONOMIC SUPPORT FOR SIMILAR WARS AGAINST MOVEMENTS FOR SOCIAL JUSTICE IN THE REGION. WHICH GROUPS IN THE POPULATION WERE MOST OPPOSED TO THE REAGAN-BUSH POLICIES, AND COULD BE MOBILIZED IN THE FUTURE? WHICH GROUPS WERE MOST UNDECIDED, AND WOULD BE OPEN TO PERSUASION ABOUT SUCH ISSUES?

Which candidate ought to be elected in a single-member constituency if all that we take into account is the order in which each of the electors ranks the various candidates? The most reasonable answer, I think, is that that candidate ought to be elected who, on the whole or on the average, stands highest on the electors' schedules of preferences.At the very outset of the argument we try to move from the is to the ought and to jump the unbridgeable chasm between the universe of science and that of morals. Some discussion of this step should be given, even though it does no more than point out the assumptions under which the jump is made.We assume that, in a constituency which is to elect a single member, we know the order in which the candidates are ranked on the schedule of preferences of each elector. If the electors had only been allowed to cast a single vote and the record of this was all the information at our disposal, inevitably, I think, we would have to conclude that the candidate most deserving of election was the one with the greatest number of first-preference votes. As against this, however, our assumption will be that each elector expresses his attitude to each of the candidates in the field, and that we have this record of the electors' attitudes.