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This paper examines a relatively neglected dimension of industrial relation in India, namely judicial intervention in industrial disputes. Through an interrogation of judicial intervention in capital-labour disputes in the state of West Bengal, the paper makes an original contribution to the literature. Through quantitative as well as qualitative examination of court cases, the paper addresses some important questions concerning the nature of judicial intervention. Does the declining force of trade union movements signify a corresponding shift to judicial recourse or an increasing pro-labour judiciary? How are the disputes read by the judiciary: do they adhere to a strict legalistic understanding or does their intervention involve going beyond the letter of the law? Is there uniformity in the nature of verdicts along the spectrum of the judiciary, ie, from the labour tribunals to the higher judiciary (High Court/Supreme Court)? Through an extensive case study of court judgments from labour tribunal to High Court to Supreme Court (where applicable), the paper situates the answers to these questions in the unique context of the sub-state of West Bengal with its specific political framework. Investigating the disjuncture between the legal prescriptions and their invisible implications, or between the jurisprudence at different levels, the paper provides clues to understanding not only the way judicial intervention plays out but also the way in which industrial relations are managed and understood in the context of West Bengal.

Lausanne Peace Treaty did not solve contradictions between Great Britain and Turkey. Political relations between those two countries remained strained. The Kemalists could not forget that London had been the main supporter of Greece during the Liberation War (Kurtuluş Savaşı). On the other hand, the British thought Turkey to be a seasonal state and were alarmed when Kemalists had established a close link with the Soviet Russia. However, the most serious problem was a dispute over the possession of the vilayet of Mosul. The territory of Mosul was held by Turkey until the First World War. In 1918 it was occupied by Britain. In 1920 it was assigned to Iraq, which had become a British mandate. However Kemalists refused to relinquish their claims to the territory of Mosul, which was specified in the National Pact (Misakı Millı) as Turkish one. For that reason the question of Mosul remained in a state of deadlock, even after the Lausanne Treaty had been signed. Bilateral negotiations between Great Britain and Turkey did not solve the problem, and the matter was referred to the League of Nations. In December 1925 the Council of the League of Nations decided that the vilayet of Mosul was an integraf part of Iraq. Finally the dispute over that territory ended in June 1926, when the border treaty between Iraq and Turkey was signed. However the case of Mosul cast a shadow over relations between Angora and London at least until 1929.

This paper identifies a disjuncture between the policy objectives of the Employment Relations Act 2000 (ERA) and the Employment Relations Problem Resolution system. One objective of the ERA was the early resolution of employment relationship problems close to the workplace. The framing of workplace conflict as Employment Relationship Problems (ERP) heralded a paradigm shift from adversarial escalation of disputes to collaborative problem solving by early negotiation and mediation. Our research suggests that in practice there is a propensity to bypass the intentions of the ERA by confidential settlement negotiation or escalation to a personal grievance; thus, the aim of strengthening employment relationships through processes of early, low-cost, fast and fair conflict resolution by state sponsored institutions appears yet to be fully realised in the education sector. Our research of ERP in the New Zealand education sector indicates the shortfall in meeting the original intentions of the ERA is related to three factors: 1) the complexity of contemporary employment relationships in education; 2) the state provision of processes for early resolution does not include conflict in complex stakeholder relationships; 3) a culture of complaint has a negative impact on trust in school employment relationships. Given that background, this paper sets the scene for the forthcoming publication of a model for collaborative conflict management that provides process guidelines for organisations under the current legislative framework.

Lausanne Peace Treaty did not solve contradictions between Great Britain and Turkey. Political relations between those two countries remained strained. The Kemalists could not forget that London had been the main supporter of Greece during the Liberation War (Kurtuluş Savaşı). On the other hand, the British thought Turkey to be a seasonal state and were alarmed when Kemalists had established a close link with the Soviet Russia. However, the most serious problem was a dispute over the possession of the vilayet of Mosul. The territory of Mosul was held by Turkey until the First World War. In 1918 it was occupied by Britain. In 1920 it was assigned to Iraq, which had become a British mandate. However Kemalists refused to relinquish their claims to the territory of Mosul, which was specified in the National Pact (Misakı Millı) as Turkish one. For that reason the question of Mosul remained in a state of deadlock, even after the Lausanne Treaty had been signed. Bilateral negotiations between Great Britain and Turkey did not solve the problem, and the matter was referred to the League of Nations. In December 1925 the Council of the League of Nations decided that the vilayet of Mosul was an integraf part of Iraq. Finally the dispute over that territory ended in June 1926, when the border treaty between Iraq and Turkey was signed. However the case of Mosul cast a shadow over relations between Angora and London at least until 1929.

The study provides a retrospective analysis of the problem of establishing the interstate dialogue between Ukraine and Poland based on cultural and humanitarian cooperation since the beginning of the 1990s.The author proves that cooperation between Ukraine and Poland in the field of science, education and art has been dynamic. Poland actively involves Ukrainian students, academics, scholars in its educational process. It shares experience in introducing innovations and reforming the field of education. The key projects of cooperation in the field of science are analyzed.Cultural and artistic cooperation involves festivals, exhibitions of works of Ukrainian artists in Poland and vice versa, tours of amateur and professional groups.The historical memory still is a very substantial element of bilateral relations, and it is explained very differently by historiography in those two countries. From time to time it leads to deterioration in relations between Ukraine and PolandThe scientific approach to the historical experience of the two states is analyzed retrospectively. The important aspects of assessing the past events (in particular, the Volyn tragedy and the «Visla» operation), guardianship of Ukrainian and Polish burials, protection of rights of the Ukrainians in Poland and the Poles in Ukraine are studied. Despite the successful steps of both states towards historical reconciliation, the future development of this process was and remains ambiguous. However, due to political will and consistency of decisions, Ukraine and Poland have the opportunity to overcome the existing contradictions and strengthen cooperation in various spheres of interstate cooperation.

Section 124A, under which I am happily charged is perhaps the prince among the political sections of the IPC designed to suppress the liberty of the citizen. Affection cannot be manufactured or regulated by the law. – Mahatma Gandhi When Rabindranath Tagore wrote Where the Mind is without Fear, he envisaged a nation that would celebrate the freedom for which he eventually gave up his Knighthood. He prayed for a country which would someday awaken to what he called a "heaven of freedom". Decades forward, and every 15th of August, every 26th of January is spent in attention to a national anthem written by the same man but the "heaven of freedom" still sleeps soundly among the dust-laden pages of Tagore's poetry. As India marches proudly to the beat of a presumably sustainable democracy, it recognizes freedom as a fundamental right guaranteed by its constitution. In extension, the freedom of speech and expression being an indivisible aspect of liberty as a whole, is enshrined in the constitution under article 19(1)(a). The constitution, however, also obliges certain restrictions on this right, under article 19(2). These restrictions are in the interests of "sovereignty and integrity of India, the security of the state, friendly relations with foreign states, public order, decency or morality or in relation to contempt of court, defamation or incitement to an offence."

Motivated by the need to inform the enduring and unresolved debates about religion and politics in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region, this report focuses on the relation between social change and religious diversity and the challenges this poses for the state–religion relationship. It also draws attention to the pluralization of the religious sphere, the individualization of religion and the unlikely return of a state monopoly of Islam. In a context marked by growing instability (coups d'état, popular uprisings, conflicts, political uncertainty), this report examines the future of political Islam, a major ideological trend in the region. It aims to offer a detailed historical and sociological analysis of the different trajectories of moderate political Islam movements, the emerging processes of doctrinal transformation, electoral and governmental participation and the extent to which they have challenged both Islamist organizations (Muslim brotherhood-affiliated organizations, Salafi movements) and jihadi movements (ISIS, al Qaeda). Ultimately, the report analyses the relations between religion and politics within Shiism (one of the two major branches of Islam), within Christian communities and finally within the major non-Muslim majority society in the region, Israel. Strongly objecting to prevailing reductionist and essentialist misrepresentations of the region and their sweeping doom-mongering generalizations, the report sheds light on the distinct dynamics of local histories, inter-organizational competition, the arising ideological tensions and geopolitical rivalries.

This article will discuss the Roman poet Lucan's description, 'everything a man is' [quidquid homo est, Luc. 9.779], in his epic, Civil War. I will read selections from the Latin literature and incorporate discussions of masculinity across the disciplines of Classics and military theory to explore the embodiment of masculinity in relation to the Roman soldierly body. Lucan's unfinished and infamously violent narrative of Julius Caesar's clash against the Republic features both the words homo (man/human, from Greek) and vir (man/hero). Where the former word tallies more closely with our understanding of homo sapiens, the latter is more common in Latin and fundamentally signifies strength, heroism and Roman manliness, underpinning qualities crucial to masculinity in Rome's 'military state'. The soldier's comportment 'stressed masculinity and a "tense" bodily stance resistant to weakening influences, a description which allows comparison with today's gender debates, specifically the dynamic productive relation between defence institutions and masculine ideals. During a graphic encounter with poisonous snakes, Lucan states, 'the profane nature of the toxin lays bare everything a man is' (9.779), implying that a male body in Bellum Civile comprises merely parts, guts and gore. In contrast, the centurion Scaeva is lauded as an exemplary vir (6.144ff.) even when his wounds render him with no insides left to be struck. Analysis of selected instances of vir or homo in Lucan's poetry therefore helps to elucidate this conceptualisation of Roman 'manliness' as an em- or dis-embodied phenomenon.

With a historical approach, this paper examines the Nixon administration's policy and stance towards European Political Cooperation (EPC). In December 1969, at The Hague Summit the leaders of the European Community expressed their determination for deepening European integration. The final communiqué of The Hague Summit stressed that the European Community's desire to achieve EPC and to parallel the European Community's economic increasing strength with a role to play in the world affairs. With this in mind, the paper will examine the impacts that Nixon administration's attempts to rebalance U.S. foreign relations reflected in the opening to China and the détente with the Soviet Union had on European political integration. Then, it will be argued that the Nixon administration's shifting foreign policy priorities can be seen as one of the driving forces of EPC. The paper puts forth that a European Community, whose weight was increased by first its economic integration and then its political cooperation, was seen by the Nixon administration as a challenge to the United States. It is concluded that after a long time of consistently supporting European integration as a means to secure peace and prosperity in Europe, the United States under the Nixon administration had to re-consider its foreign relations and rebalance its focus on the global chessboard. This rebalancing certainly impacted EPC in particular and the European integration process in general.

The issue of migration is attracting significant media and political attention in Europe. Migration has been one of the causes of the rapid rise in the number and proportion of foreigners in national prisons. In response to this problem, the Council of Europe's Committee of Ministers in 2012 adopted a recommendation concerning the treatment of foreign prisoners. This article analyses the penological and human rights implications of this recommendation in relation to its objectives to reduce the number of foreigners in custody, improve the regime experienced by foreign offenders and enhance the prospects for their successful reintegration. While the 2012 Recommendation makes important contributions to regional penal policy, it also contains notable gaps and limitations. The paper discusses the significance of omissions in relation to the (potential) role of consular representatives, dealing with nationals detained abroad and the use of inter-state transfers. Despite these criticisms and political resistance to some proposals in this field, there appears to be wide spread support for the Recommendation at a practitioner level. It may also have significance beyond domestic policy. There is a new and growing sub-category of foreign prisoner in Europe: the international prisoners convicted by international criminal courts that are serving their sentences in the prison systems of cooperating States. The paper concludes with a discussion of the potential influence regional penal policy can have on the implementation of international custodial sanctions.

Although nearly two decades have passed since the USSR crumbled, its legacy is still helping to shape security within, and relations between, former member states, as well as their relations with other states in the world.Already back in the 90's of the past century, it seemed like peace and security should have been within the interests of not just this region, but of the whole world, notably due to region's geographic location and geo-strategic potential and its increasing importance as the main link of transport and communication projects.Apart from the geopolitical significance, the stability of Post-Soviet Space is imperiled by numerous domestic and transnational security challenges, such as: unresolved conflicts, socio-economic hardships, organized crime, trafficking and migration. The scale and scope of these transnational problems require a coordinated action. Since the region isintensely divided by conflicts and the competing interests of regional powers, the region would benefit from a greater cross-border collaboration. However, regional cooperation is not as well developed as it could be, hampering economic development, security andfurther destabilizing the area.This became even more important after the tragic events of 9/11, which made it apparent, that there exist no conflicts or crises of more and less important and these problems could have been resolved only through joint cooperation at the international and regional levels.

This article discusses, from a historical perspective, the development of the model of labor relations in the Republic of Uruguay, addressing since its origins as an independent republic until the current situation. Tha author describes the characteristics of each period, analyzing its milestones in labor regulation, the programs of the various governments that have succeeded in power. The author shows that the sui generis character of the Uruguayan labor relations model has rwo extremes: the liberal market-oriented one and the interventionist one; to this state of affairs, the author states in favor of the intervention, because it has given a channel for the peaceful resolution of conflicts. ; En este artículo se aborda desde una perspectiva histórica el desarrollo del modelo de relaciones de trabajo en la República de Uruguay, abordando desde sus inicios como República independiente hasta la situación actual. Se describen las características de cada período, analizando sus hitos en materia de regulación laboral, los programas de los distintos gobiernos que se han sucedido en el poder. El autor aprecia que el carácter sui generis del modelo de relaciones laborales uruguayo, tiene como eje dos extremos: el liberal de mercado y el intervencionista, ante este estado de la cuestión, el autor se manifiesta partidario de la intervención, pues ha dado un cauce para la resolución pacífica de los conflictos.

Die Blechtrommel and Kindheitsmuster present, comparatively, in relation to their specific authors and societies, fictive counterparts to cultural perspectives on the National Socialist period of German history that have also been developed in the disciplines of history, sociology, and related fields. The explicative methodology is freely adapted from ideas by Edward Said into an analytic modality based on the comparison of multiple critical perspectives. The sense of the works emerges from cultural discourses and narratives of memory involving the relationship between personal subjectivity and German cultural identity. Evaluating claims of history as narrative, also interrogates the roles of individual and collective memory in the construction of those discourses and narratives, as well as analyzing the "legitimizing" narratives of nation states. As such, the relation of these to concepts of modernity is an issue for discussion. That these concepts were viewed differently in the Federal Republic of Germany and German Democratic Republic has important consequences for literature produced in those societies, including Grass's and Wolf's works, in terms of narrative viewpoint and overall communicative strategies. Current narratives relating to the unification of the German state reveal a desire to become, in the name of 'normalization', finally unencumbered by a past often considered to be one of unique criminality and inhumanity embodied in the Holocaust. I argue that Die Blechtrommel and Kindheitsmuster have continuing relevance to contemporary narratives of these problems and to disputes over the continued importance of the Holocaust to historical memory within German culture.

В статье рассматриваются некоторые вопросы формирования монгольской армии и его военно - административное устройство, отношение и взаимопонимание между начальством и воинами, военно- административная единица с самого низкого звена до высшего, условия боевой подготовки, способы прохождения военной службы, вооруженная монгольская война, особенности правил ночной охраны, дисциплина гвардии, права и обязанности начальника гвардии. Также говорится об участии гвардии в войне, о территориально административной единице монгольского государства, об отношении воинов монголов к религии, богу и причинах военных успехов, ненависть и вражда между армией и военноначальниками, политическая ситуация государства монголов, классовые противоречия воинов монголов и всего личного состава. ; The article discusses some of issues of the establishment of Mongolian army and its military and administrative system, relations and mutual understanding between the authorities and soldiers, the military and administrative unit from the lowest level to the highest, the conditions of combat training, methods of military service, the armed Mongol war, the specifics of the night guard rules, the discipline of the Guard, the rights and responsibilities of the chief guard. Also, it speaks about the participation of the Guard in wars, about the territorial administrative unit of the Mongolian state, about the relation of the Mongol warriors to religion and the God, and about the causes of military successes, about the hatred and hostility between the army and the military chiefs, about the political situation of the state of Mongols, about the Mongol warriors and all personnel class antagonisms.

Beginning in early 2013, US analysts detected a shift in Uzbekistan's foreign policy—a move to increasingly rely on bilateralism as the basis for the state's international relations. President Islam Karimov's rejection of Russia's self-proclaimed role of hegemon in Central Asia has likely contributed to this newfound policy approach that places Tashkent in a position to increase social and economic ties with the region's emerging powerhouse—China. Although Uzbekistan has expressed consistent interest in establishing closer ties with the US, the withdrawal of US forces from the region diminishes the ability of the US to remain a plausible partner. This new approach to foreign relations will not fully prevent Uzbekistan from participating in the region's multilateral organizations, but rather it is seen as an attempt to create some spacing between Tashkent and Moscow. This paper argues that active multistate cooperation between Uzbekistan, its Central Asian neighbors, and the region's superpowers—Russia, China, and the United States—is necessary for the containment of extremism in Afghanistan following the International Security Assistnace Force drawdown in 2016. However, if Uzbekistan abandons multilateralism to the degree that neighboring Turkmenistan has and relies on the neorealist tenet of self-help in addressing political and security threats, the state will inevitably expose itself to Russian meddling. Uzbek cooperation with Vladimir Putin in the areas of economic development and security will continue but will be approached very cautiously due to the alarm resulting from Russia's invasion of Ukraine.