Dynamics of economical, political and social factors of electoral campaign are analysed. The problem of ensuring security of elections within the framework of modern electoral process is dealt with.The paper gives examples of influencing the public opinion in the course of the electoral process, for example, psychological influence, information and political manipulations are described. ; Анализируется динамика экономических, политических, социальных факторов предвыборной кампании. Рассматривается проблема обеспечения безопасности выборов в рамках современного избирательного процесса.Даются примеры воздействия на общественное мнение в ходе избирательного процесса, такие как психологическое воздействие, описываются информационные и политические манипуляции.
Identification is a process of expressing oneself to other members of society. Expressing oneself involves explicit actions such as telling others about particular attitude, physical or mental features that are inherent to a certain group where one belongs. The most convenient form of expressing oneself is through communication. In this paper identification is discussed in the light of visual communication used by political parties in their campaigns. Visual communication is somewhat underestimated as a mean for quick and culture-fair identification since most of the works in this sphere involves verbal communication. Logotype is universal form of visual identification. It contains symbols and colours that are the most basic means of communication and can be identified even more easily than verbal information. The main object of this paper is to examine identification of political parties through their logotypes and define the notion of identification by setting proper measurement test. This is done by setting a certain tasks: define the notion and structure of logotype as a mean for identification; analyze the process of logotype recognition; define the notion of symbolic logotype meaning; examine the process of logotype meaning formation; mark the tests of successful identification; analyze logotypes of political parties in Lithuania for successful identification tests. Goals of this paper are accomplished by analyzing the theoretical material for visual communication in political campaigns, the formation of symbolic meaning and applying results to logotypes of Lithuanian political parties. Analysis of theoretical material is fulfilled in order to find out what are the main aspects of identification process. These aspects are logotype recognition, otherwise referred to as brand recognition, and logotype symbolic meaning. Each of these aspects is discussed as processes in the light of theoretical models. Then tests are set for each identification aspect and research carried on. Research method – interview of 40 Vilnius University students. Each student was exposed to 10 political parties' logotypes and 10 other organizations' logotypes then asked to identify those belonging to Lithuanian political parties and specify their associations. According to the results of research the two tests for successful identification are strongly interrelated. Logotype recognition is based on binding logotype with certain politic party. However, recognition defines only logotype binding with political party name but does not explain how potential electors view that political party, what kind of values it is seen to possess. This is reflected by logotype associations that should reflect identity of political party, its main values and even names of the leaders. Furthermore, the research shoved that the bigger logotype recognition is, the more accurate logotype meaning is. This relation can work both ways. Logotype meaning is formed in regard to the visual symbol of logotype. Thus the more adequate to the main idea of political party symbol is the more accurate meanings and perception of that party is formed.
Identification is a process of expressing oneself to other members of society. Expressing oneself involves explicit actions such as telling others about particular attitude, physical or mental features that are inherent to a certain group where one belongs. The most convenient form of expressing oneself is through communication. In this paper identification is discussed in the light of visual communication used by political parties in their campaigns. Visual communication is somewhat underestimated as a mean for quick and culture-fair identification since most of the works in this sphere involves verbal communication. Logotype is universal form of visual identification. It contains symbols and colours that are the most basic means of communication and can be identified even more easily than verbal information. The main object of this paper is to examine identification of political parties through their logotypes and define the notion of identification by setting proper measurement test. This is done by setting a certain tasks: define the notion and structure of logotype as a mean for identification; analyze the process of logotype recognition; define the notion of symbolic logotype meaning; examine the process of logotype meaning formation; mark the tests of successful identification; analyze logotypes of political parties in Lithuania for successful identification tests. Goals of this paper are accomplished by analyzing the theoretical material for visual communication in political campaigns, the formation of symbolic meaning and applying results to logotypes of Lithuanian political parties. Analysis of theoretical material is fulfilled in order to find out what are the main aspects of identification process. These aspects are logotype recognition, otherwise referred to as brand recognition, and logotype symbolic meaning. Each of these aspects is discussed as processes in the light of theoretical models. Then tests are set for each identification aspect and research carried on. Research method – interview of 40 Vilnius University students. Each student was exposed to 10 political parties' logotypes and 10 other organizations' logotypes then asked to identify those belonging to Lithuanian political parties and specify their associations. According to the results of research the two tests for successful identification are strongly interrelated. Logotype recognition is based on binding logotype with certain politic party. However, recognition defines only logotype binding with political party name but does not explain how potential electors view that political party, what kind of values it is seen to possess. This is reflected by logotype associations that should reflect identity of political party, its main values and even names of the leaders. Furthermore, the research shoved that the bigger logotype recognition is, the more accurate logotype meaning is. This relation can work both ways. Logotype meaning is formed in regard to the visual symbol of logotype. Thus the more adequate to the main idea of political party symbol is the more accurate meanings and perception of that party is formed.
Identification is a process of expressing oneself to other members of society. Expressing oneself involves explicit actions such as telling others about particular attitude, physical or mental features that are inherent to a certain group where one belongs. The most convenient form of expressing oneself is through communication. In this paper identification is discussed in the light of visual communication used by political parties in their campaigns. Visual communication is somewhat underestimated as a mean for quick and culture-fair identification since most of the works in this sphere involves verbal communication. Logotype is universal form of visual identification. It contains symbols and colours that are the most basic means of communication and can be identified even more easily than verbal information. The main object of this paper is to examine identification of political parties through their logotypes and define the notion of identification by setting proper measurement test. This is done by setting a certain tasks: define the notion and structure of logotype as a mean for identification; analyze the process of logotype recognition; define the notion of symbolic logotype meaning; examine the process of logotype meaning formation; mark the tests of successful identification; analyze logotypes of political parties in Lithuania for successful identification tests. Goals of this paper are accomplished by analyzing the theoretical material for visual communication in political campaigns, the formation of symbolic meaning and applying results to logotypes of Lithuanian political parties. Analysis of theoretical material is fulfilled in order to find out what are the main aspects of identification process. These aspects are logotype recognition, otherwise referred to as brand recognition, and logotype symbolic meaning. Each of these aspects is discussed as processes in the light of theoretical models. Then tests are set for each identification aspect and research carried on. Research method – interview of 40 Vilnius University students. Each student was exposed to 10 political parties' logotypes and 10 other organizations' logotypes then asked to identify those belonging to Lithuanian political parties and specify their associations. According to the results of research the two tests for successful identification are strongly interrelated. Logotype recognition is based on binding logotype with certain politic party. However, recognition defines only logotype binding with political party name but does not explain how potential electors view that political party, what kind of values it is seen to possess. This is reflected by logotype associations that should reflect identity of political party, its main values and even names of the leaders. Furthermore, the research shoved that the bigger logotype recognition is, the more accurate logotype meaning is. This relation can work both ways. Logotype meaning is formed in regard to the visual symbol of logotype. Thus the more adequate to the main idea of political party symbol is the more accurate meanings and perception of that party is formed.
Identification is a process of expressing oneself to other members of society. Expressing oneself involves explicit actions such as telling others about particular attitude, physical or mental features that are inherent to a certain group where one belongs. The most convenient form of expressing oneself is through communication. In this paper identification is discussed in the light of visual communication used by political parties in their campaigns. Visual communication is somewhat underestimated as a mean for quick and culture-fair identification since most of the works in this sphere involves verbal communication. Logotype is universal form of visual identification. It contains symbols and colours that are the most basic means of communication and can be identified even more easily than verbal information. The main object of this paper is to examine identification of political parties through their logotypes and define the notion of identification by setting proper measurement test. This is done by setting a certain tasks: define the notion and structure of logotype as a mean for identification; analyze the process of logotype recognition; define the notion of symbolic logotype meaning; examine the process of logotype meaning formation; mark the tests of successful identification; analyze logotypes of political parties in Lithuania for successful identification tests. Goals of this paper are accomplished by analyzing the theoretical material for visual communication in political campaigns, the formation of symbolic meaning and applying results to logotypes of Lithuanian political parties. Analysis of theoretical material is fulfilled in order to find out what are the main aspects of identification process. These aspects are logotype recognition, otherwise referred to as brand recognition, and logotype symbolic meaning. Each of these aspects is discussed as processes in the light of theoretical models. Then tests are set for each identification aspect and research carried on. Research method – interview of 40 Vilnius University students. Each student was exposed to 10 political parties' logotypes and 10 other organizations' logotypes then asked to identify those belonging to Lithuanian political parties and specify their associations. According to the results of research the two tests for successful identification are strongly interrelated. Logotype recognition is based on binding logotype with certain politic party. However, recognition defines only logotype binding with political party name but does not explain how potential electors view that political party, what kind of values it is seen to possess. This is reflected by logotype associations that should reflect identity of political party, its main values and even names of the leaders. Furthermore, the research shoved that the bigger logotype recognition is, the more accurate logotype meaning is. This relation can work both ways. Logotype meaning is formed in regard to the visual symbol of logotype. Thus the more adequate to the main idea of political party symbol is the more accurate meanings and perception of that party is formed.
In the first decade of independence of interwar Lithuania, propaganda as purposeful and ideologically coherent spread of own ideas was used mostly by political movements of that time. Political propaganda became a prerogative of political regime just after the state's takeover on December 17, 1926, when the power was usurped by the authoritarian regime of Antanas Smetona. This regime implemented two successful propaganda campaigns: The Move of Vilnius Repossession and The Campaign of Vytautas Magnus Anniversary. The political regime was not the ideological author of those campaigns, but successfully adopted the ideas grown in the Lithuanian nationalism discourse, which echoed the objectives of nationalistic political regime. By the Move of Vilnius Repossession it was tried to instil to the Lithuanian society that Vilnius is the Lithuanian town and the true capital of Lithuania in defiance of political realities (the town was under the Poland power in 1920-1939) and The Campaign of Vytautas Magnus Anniversary (1930) helped to create the Lithuanian Grand Duke Vytautas (1350-1430) cult that was used to legitimize the authoritarian regime of that time. The last-mentioned campaign also served for predication of Lithuania's rights to Vilnius.
In the first decade of independence of interwar Lithuania, propaganda as purposeful and ideologically coherent spread of own ideas was used mostly by political movements of that time. Political propaganda became a prerogative of political regime just after the state's takeover on December 17, 1926, when the power was usurped by the authoritarian regime of Antanas Smetona. This regime implemented two successful propaganda campaigns: The Move of Vilnius Repossession and The Campaign of Vytautas Magnus Anniversary. The political regime was not the ideological author of those campaigns, but successfully adopted the ideas grown in the Lithuanian nationalism discourse, which echoed the objectives of nationalistic political regime. By the Move of Vilnius Repossession it was tried to instil to the Lithuanian society that Vilnius is the Lithuanian town and the true capital of Lithuania in defiance of political realities (the town was under the Poland power in 1920-1939) and The Campaign of Vytautas Magnus Anniversary (1930) helped to create the Lithuanian Grand Duke Vytautas (1350-1430) cult that was used to legitimize the authoritarian regime of that time. The last-mentioned campaign also served for predication of Lithuania's rights to Vilnius.
In the first decade of independence of interwar Lithuania, propaganda as purposeful and ideologically coherent spread of own ideas was used mostly by political movements of that time. Political propaganda became a prerogative of political regime just after the state's takeover on December 17, 1926, when the power was usurped by the authoritarian regime of Antanas Smetona. This regime implemented two successful propaganda campaigns: The Move of Vilnius Repossession and The Campaign of Vytautas Magnus Anniversary. The political regime was not the ideological author of those campaigns, but successfully adopted the ideas grown in the Lithuanian nationalism discourse, which echoed the objectives of nationalistic political regime. By the Move of Vilnius Repossession it was tried to instil to the Lithuanian society that Vilnius is the Lithuanian town and the true capital of Lithuania in defiance of political realities (the town was under the Poland power in 1920-1939) and The Campaign of Vytautas Magnus Anniversary (1930) helped to create the Lithuanian Grand Duke Vytautas (1350-1430) cult that was used to legitimize the authoritarian regime of that time. The last-mentioned campaign also served for predication of Lithuania's rights to Vilnius.
In the first decade of independence of interwar Lithuania, propaganda as purposeful and ideologically coherent spread of own ideas was used mostly by political movements of that time. Political propaganda became a prerogative of political regime just after the state's takeover on December 17, 1926, when the power was usurped by the authoritarian regime of Antanas Smetona. This regime implemented two successful propaganda campaigns: The Move of Vilnius Repossession and The Campaign of Vytautas Magnus Anniversary. The political regime was not the ideological author of those campaigns, but successfully adopted the ideas grown in the Lithuanian nationalism discourse, which echoed the objectives of nationalistic political regime. By the Move of Vilnius Repossession it was tried to instil to the Lithuanian society that Vilnius is the Lithuanian town and the true capital of Lithuania in defiance of political realities (the town was under the Poland power in 1920-1939) and The Campaign of Vytautas Magnus Anniversary (1930) helped to create the Lithuanian Grand Duke Vytautas (1350-1430) cult that was used to legitimize the authoritarian regime of that time. The last-mentioned campaign also served for predication of Lithuania's rights to Vilnius.
The subject. Detection of the essence of electoral process, the election campaign and their influence on the temporal component of the electoral process is the subject of this publication.The purpose of the article is to confirm or disprove hypothesis that the concept of "election campaign" should include activities for the preparation and conduct of elections, carried out in the period from the date of the decision on the appointment of elections to the day of official publication (publication) of the decision on the results of electionsThe methodology. General scientific methods were used when considering and analyzing the concepts of the electoral process, election companies, and stages of the electoral process. Normative-logical and comparative-legal methods were used in the process of analyzing the electoral legislation.The main results and scope of their application. The definition of the electoral process is considered by scientists not only as a system of relations, but also as a phenomenon, as an institution, as a form of implementation of constitutional principles, as a legal technology, as a technological infrastructure. Almost all authors, detecting the essence of the electoral process, cannot avoid the temporal aspect of this phenomenon. Political scientists and sociologists understand an election (election) campaign as a system of various campaigning events, with the help of which political parties and individual candidates seek the support of voters in elections. The election campaign in the broad sense is the period of time during which citizens have the opportunity to exercise most of their electoral rights. It is essential not only to legislate consolidation of the definition of "election campaign", but also to define its temporal component, adequate to the goals and objectives of the implementation of the constitutional right to elect and to be elected.The current law defines the election campaign as activities for the preparation and conduct of elections from the date of publication of the announcement of elections until the day the election commission submits the election report.The start of the election campaign is given by the publication of the announcement of the election, but not the adoption of this decision. The campaign ends not with the determination of the winner, but after the election commission submits a report on budget spending, i. e. 3 months after the actual completion of the election. This duration of the campaign does not correspond to the objectives of the election and artificially lengthens the election campaign.The time limits of an election campaign are closely related to the stages of the electoral process, i.e., a set of electoral actions and procedures that are separate in time, aimed at forming a government body and electing an official. The author refers to the mandatory stages of the electoral process as determining the voting day and publishing the decision to call elections; nominating and registering candidates (lists of candidates); election campaigning; voting, determining the results of voting, determining the results of elections and publishing them. Deadlines mark the boundaries of the stages of the electoral process, affecting its institutional, subject and technological components.Conclusions. Nowadays, it is necessary to reduce the legislatively fixed period of the election campaign and, as a result, clarify the definition of "election campaign", which is preferably defined as activities for the preparation and conduct of elections, carried out from the date of the decision of the authority or official on the election to be held until the day official publication of the decision of the election commission on the election results. ; Рассматривается понятие избирательного процесса и его темпоральный аспект, стадии электорального процесса. Анализируется законодательное закрепление дефиниции «избирательная кампания» и ее влияние на продолжительность выборов. Приводятся аргументы, критикующие действующее правовое регулирование, предлагается сокращение законодательно закрепленного периода избирательной кампании с уточнением ее понятия.
в статье анализируются причины ; ход и итоги военной компании афинского военачальника Кимона на юго-западе Малой Азии. Даётся краткий сравнительно-исторический и текстологический анализ письменных источников и археологических материалов ; свидетельствующих о военно-политической активности Афин в Карии и Ликии. Предпринимается попытка анализа эволюции взглядов на проблему в рамках классической и современной историографии. На основании привлечения широкого круга данных предпринимается попытка реконструкции характера военно-политического влияния Афин в юго-западной Анатолии. ; the article analyzes the reasons ; course and results of the military campaign of the Athenian military commander Kimon in the southwest of Asia Minor. The author provides a brief comparative-historical and textual analysis of written sources and archaeological materials testifying the military-political activity of Athens in Caria and Lycia. An attempt is made to analyze the evolution of views on the problem within the framework of classical and modern historiography. Based on the involvement of a wide range of data ; an attempt is made to analyze the evolution of the political influence of Athens in southwestern Anatolia.
Статья посвящена одному из основных этапов Международной просветительской акции «Пушкинский диктант» - конкурсу методических материалов. Как считают учредители этой акции (АССУЛ), при составлении конкурсных заданий допустимы широта подхода к исходному материалу, свобода выбора микротем и мотивов пушкинского творчества. Данная позиция не может быть принята безоговорочно. Для того чтобы обеспечить равные условия всем категориям участников «Пушкинского диктанта», необходимо создание единой научно-методической основы для разработчиков заданий. Авторы статьи, исходя из собственного опыта проведения «Пушкинского диктанта - 2022», выработали систему принципов составления конкурсных заданий, которые могут быть приняты как базовые для Пушкинского диктанта на постоянной основе. В работе приводятся примеры конкретных заданий разного типа, в методологическом и историко-литературном аспектах анализируются их сильные и слабые стороны. Отдельно подчеркивается, какие содержательные составляющие могут влиять на успешность конкурсного задания. В статье прослеживается механизм реализации предлагаемых принципов при составлении заданий Международной акции, где главная цель - просветительская. Статья представляет интерес для составителей заданий «Пушкинского диктанта - 2023», а также всех тех, для кого «Пушкинский диктант» стал средством широкого межкультурного общения. The article is devoted to one of the main stages of the international educational campaign "Pushkin Dictation", which is the competition of teaching aids. According to the founders of this action (Association of Teachers of Literature and Russian), a wide approach to the source material, freedom of choice of micro-themes and motives of Pushkin's works are acceptable in compiling the contest tasks. This position cannot be accepted unconditionally. In order to provide equal conditions for all categories of participants in the Pushkin Dictation, it is necessary to create a single scientific and methodical basis for task developers. Based on their own experience in the Pushkin Dictation - 2022, the authors have developed a system of principles for compiling contest tasks, which can be accepted as basic for the Pushkin Dictation on a permanent basis. The paper presents examples of various types of tasks and analyses their strengths and weaknesses from both methodological and historical and literary perspectives. It is also emphasized which content components may influence the success of a contest task. The article traces the mechanism of implementation of the proposed principles in compiling contest tasks for the international campaign, the main goal of which is educational. The article is of interest to the compilers of the tasks for the "Pushkin Dictation - 2023", as well as to all those for whom the "Pushkin Dictation" has become a means of cross-cultural communication.
Svein Mønnesland, professor emeritus at the University of Oslo, reviews Yugoslavia and Political Assassinations: The History and Legacy of Tito's Campaign against the Émigrés, by Christian Axboe Nielsen, published in 2020 by I.B. Tauris.
Раздел 4. Литературоведение, перевод и интерпретация текста = Section 4. Literature studies, translation and text interpretation ; Настоящая работа рассматривает техники убеждений в избирательных кампаниях современного американского политического дискурса. Автор выявляет основные характеристики политического дискурса. В работе анализируются и описываются техники языкового манипулирования на примере предвыборных выступлений Д. Трампа. ; Present work examines the techniques of persuasion in the election campaigns of modern American political discourse. The author reveals the main characteristics of political discourse. The article analyzes and describes the techniques of language manipulation on the example of D. Trump's election speeches.
