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Les relations entre civils et militaires en Turquie ont traversé récemment une période de transformation radicale. Le rôle dominant de l'armée turque dans la politique depuis 1960, par ses interventions directes et indirectes, ainsi qu'au travers de mécanismes institutionnels et non-institutionnels, a considérablement diminué. À partir du début des réformes liées à l'adhésion européenne visant à démocratiser les relations civiles-militaires, puis d'une série d'enquêtes baptisées Ergenekon et Balyoz, dans lesquelles des officiers militaires ont été accusés de planifier des interventions visant à renverser le gouvernement actuel, l'armée a perdu à la fois ses prérogatives en politique et sa crédibilité aux yeux de l'opinion publique. Bien que les relations entre civils et militaires semblent aller dans un sens plus démocratique, en soumettant fortement l'armée au contrôle civil, il semble cependant que les civils ne traitent pas les forces armées de façon juste dans les enquêtes en cours. Par conséquent, en dépit de tous ces changements positifs, il n'est pas clair que la Turquie s'oriente vraiment vers une gouvernance plus démocratique des relations entre civils et militaires.

Le pouvoir politique de l'armée a été considérablement limité sous le règne de l'AKP. Or, les réformes réalisées en vue de redonner la priorité au pouvoir civil ont abouti non pas à une démocratisation mais à l'instauration d'une nouvelle forme d'autoritarisme. En l'absence de mécanismes de contrôle démocratique, l'armée a continué à être à la fois l'acteur et l'arène de conflits politiques dont l'exacerbation a été la "tentative de coup d'État" du 15 juillet 2016. Les nouvelles régulations concernant l'armée, instaurées dans le cadre de l'état d'urgence et de la présidentialisation du régime ont mis l'armée sous la surveillance d'acteurs civils et sont loin d'assurer un contrôle démocratique sur celle-ci. Au contraire, cette surveillance civile a été concentrée dans les mains d'un super-président dans le contexte d'une forme d'État autoritaire spécifique.

The reliable control of the military is of paramount importance for any regime around the world, especially authoritarian ones. Had it not been able to ensure the "command of the gun," it would be difficult to imagine the Chinese Communist Party celebrating the 100th anniversary of its founding in 2021. Yet, despite the importance of this subject, the study of civil-military relations in China surprisingly remains undertheorized. Although today there is a consensus among scholars that Samuel P. Huntington's concept of "objective control" best describes the current situation in China, such a concept is used in a merely descriptive manner. This article argues that although Huntington's original ideology-centered model is not faultless, the current approach risks producing major distortions in the analysis. Against the background of today's renewed interest for civil-military relations among political scientists, this article puts forwards suggestions regarding the future studies of civil-military relations in China. ; Un efficace controllo sulle proprie Forze armate è di fondamentale importanza per qualsiasi regime, specialmente per quelli autoritari. Se non fosse stato in grado di assicurarsi il "comando sul fucile", difficilmente il Partito comunista cinese celebrerebbe nel 2021 il centesimo anniversario della sua fondazione. Eppure, nonostante l'importanza del tema, la letteratura sulle relazioni tra civili e militari in Cina continua a caratterizzarsi per un inadeguato livello di teorizzazione. Sebbene gli studiosi tendano oggi ad analizzare il caso cinese nei termini del "controllo oggettivo" proposto da Samuel P. Huntington, tale concetto finisce per essere utilizzato in modo meramente descrittivo. La tesi dell'articolo è che, a dispetto dei limiti pur presenti nella formulazione originaria del modello incentrata sull'ideologia, l'applicazione oggi prevalente produca significative distorsioni nell'analisi. Considerato il rinnovato interesse della Scienza politica per il tema delle relazioni tra civili e militari, l'articolo avanza alcune proposte per la ricerca futura sul caso cinese.

This article argues that French military naval construction suffers a certain lag in efficiency in relation to market technologies produced in the private sector. Not only is there is discord in the standards observed in civil construction and military construction, but the cost-efficiency of private sector construction is also a pertinent factor for the French military to consider. These observations mark what is likely to become an increasingly visible trend in French military development, where naval development will become more dependent on innovations realized in the private sector. Several case examples of civil-military collaboration are discussed here.

Some Lebanese politicians & analysts propose a reorientation of the classic concept of the Lebanese Army towards an anti-guerrilla structure. Attractive as this may appear, the project does not, however, take into account numerous local & even international realities.

Effective joint civil-military action in operational theatres has been shown to have its limits. In order to ensure essential interministerial & international coordination, any improvement must originate from an analysis of arrangements already in place in France or planned elsewhere. Strong political will is needed in order to establish a light, permanent, flexible structure which will be able to develop a common interministerial view which is both coherent & apposite, & which will act as the lead agency for its implementation. This structure will use a methodology of interministerial appreciation of a situation to plan, execute & evaluate operations, based on accepted performance criteria. Adapted from the source document.

Recent works by Generals Rupert Smith and Vincent Desportes have highlighted the trend for military operations to move from the battlefield to stabilisation operations, or 'war among the civilian population'. This is leading to major changes in the use of regular forces but little attention has been devoted thus far to the military reserves. The new circumstances nonetheless make their employment both necessary and more appropriate in long-term operations involving a wider range of activities and the civil population. The capabilities of the reserves offer a flexibility which has been little used so far in France, but which is particularly relevant at a time when a new White Paper is in gestation in a particularly difficult context. Adapted from the source document.

This study was conducted during two operational tours, in Kosovo in 2002 and 2007, in a context of civil-military action. It involved looking into the motives of reserve military personnel who accept the addition of a 'volunteer for external operations' clause to their engagement to serve in the operational reserve (ESR). Combining the results of the two surveys, it can be seen that these personnel are motivated primarily by 'positive' values: 'taste for adventure', 'desire to live in a military atmosphere' and a 'desire to serve'. Adapted from the source document.

Civil-military cooperation is permanent. It is particularly well demonstrated in the Vigipirate plan. Although Prefects are responsible for the general coordination of action in the fight against terrorism, the Armed Forces contribute very significantly & visibly in this, particularly in Ile-de-France where, at a request from the Prefect of Police/Defence Zone Prefect to the Military Governor of Paris, they intervene in support of the police & gendarmerie forces to protect the population. Adapted from the source document.

After four years of existence, the European Union Military Staff has gone through a phase of significant expansion and development in sending its personnel on missions to respond to the growing needs of the European Security and Defense Policy, or ESDP, notably in the Balkans and Africa. One of its key aims is to strengthen capacity for rapid reaction of European forces through the use of tactical group organization. In addition, the political instruments are being tuned in such as way as to accelerate the timeframe in which the EU is able to exercise security decisions. This article traces some of the previous stages of development of the ESDP to examine its most recent engagements in the Balkans, Congo, and Sudan. Institutional organization is here revealed to be a central objective for development of the ESDP, including the formation of a civil-military segment and crisis management protocol. These measures will eventually come to strengthen the EU's military capacities to the extent that they will more beyond soft power to play a more active and direct role in global security.

L'ouvrage propose une réflexion sur l'état civil, sur ses usages et ses évolutions, en prenant pour focale la transidentité qui est devenue un lieu majeur de son questionnement. La question du changement de la mention de sexe à l'état civil n'a eu pendant longtemps qu'une faible visibilité sur la scène publique. Elle a pourtant été l'objet de revendications nombreuses de la part des personnes trans qui contestaient notamment la lourdeur de la procédure judiciaire ainsi que sa médicalisation et qui refusaient la stérilisation qui leur était implicitement imposée pour obtenir une nouvelle identité civile. Ces contestations ont reçu une réponse législative à l'occasion de la loi de modernisation de la Justice du XXIe siècle de 2016 qui a démédicalisé la procédure sans pour autant la déjudiciariser. L'ouvrage aborde cette relation complexe entre état civil et transidentité par le biais d'une approche pluridisciplinaire afin d'en saisir les multiples facettes et enjeux. Dans un premier temps, il s'intéresse à la signification de l'état civil et à son évolution au regard du statut sexué des personnes. Puis il se focalise sur les acteurs mobilisés autour du changement de sexe à l'état civil et sur leur implication dans la dernière réforme. Il propose enfin une mise en perspective internationale des conceptions juridiques de la mention de sexe et de sa modification légale ainsi qu'une analyse de l'émergence de lois sur l'identité de genre dans deux pays latino-américains