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The article presents the basic scientific approaches and principles of the draft study of modern Islamist movements in the world political process undertaken by the Centre for Civilizational and Regional Studies of the Institute for African Studies (RAS) with the participation of authoritative experts from many Russian universities and foreign centers. The questions stood behind the concept of Islamic radicalism such as why, how and where it originated, what historical and social role it performs in the world were assigned by the initiators of the monograph, which has no analogues in the sphere of Islamic studies. ; В статье излагаются основные научные подходы и принципы проекта исследования современного исламистского движения в мировом политическом процессе, предпринятого Центром цивилизационных и региональных исследований Института Африки РАН при участии авторитетных специалистов многих российских университетов и зарубежных центров. Что стоит за понятием исламского радикализма, почему, как и где он зародился, какую историческую и социальную роль выполняет в мире — такие вопросы поставили перед собой инициаторы коллективной монографии, не имеющей аналогов в мировом исламоведении.

The collapse of the Soviet Union at the end of the twentieth century ended the pre-existing bipolar Cold War system and resulted in a unipolar moment in which the United States enjoyed a position of almost unchallenged global and civilizational leadership [Krauthammer 1991; Waltz 1993; Wohlforth 1999]. However, despite the initial elation of some Western politicians and analysts [Fukuyama 1992; Brooks, Wohlforth 2008; Kagan 2008], who hoped to see the triumph of the Western idea universally, this situation was relatively short-lived. Global dialogue soon moved beyond this moment of unipolarity toward its more conventional form, in which states struggle for power and influence and search for areas of mutually beneficial co-operation. At the beginning of the third decade of the twenty-first century, we see a qualitatively different world. There have been profound political changes since the post-Cold War unipolarity. In this world, the idea of civilization has become a virtual currency of international relations and global dialogue. Many analysts [Coker 2019; Acharya 2020; Stuenkel 2016; Higgott 2019] discuss the rise of civilizations in world affairs as the new sociopolitical reality. Countries such as Russia, China, India, Turkey, and Brazil are often considered civilizational states – challengers to the West. Historically, philosophers have oscillated between the idea of multiple civilizations, with the West being one civilization of many (Spengler, Huntington, Danilevsky), and a single and universal Western civilization (Hayek, Kant). The former approach became a cardinal frame of reference of the global discourse during the past decade.

BRICS is one of the alternative projects of multipolar world building. BRICS was created as community of the most powerful developing countries seeking to reform the world order. What is unique about this bloc is the fact that it includes counties with various social-economic models and cultural-civilizational characteristics. BRICS is primarily a dialogue platform for discussing major international issues. At the same time the foreign policy of BRICS is based on the solid basis of economic and military-political potential of the member states. BRICS offers new ways of reforming the system of international regulation.

The international transformations, which the Middle East faced in the 20th and early 21st centuries, virtually made it a region without any regional order. Polycentric structural organization, an intrinsic feature of the Middle East, has resulted in multiple visions of regional order generated by regional powers and global actors actively involved in the regional affairs. Paradoxically, however, none of these powers had enough military, political, cultural or ideological potential to implement its vision and impose it on others. Against this background Turkey's foreign policy strategy had signifi cantly changed at the turn of the centuries. In the later 1990s Turkey was still a status quo power, dependent on its relations with the West and adherent to the principles of non-interference in the regional affairs. However, its rising involvement in global and regional affairs in the fi rst decade of this century made Ankara's foreign policy much more liable to international and regional developments. In addition, the advent to power of the Justice and Development Party added a strong Islamic element to its domestic and foreign policy discourse. As a result during the fi rst decade of this century Turkey undertook an effort to propose its own version of regional order based on the convergence of liberal and Islamic values. The Arab Spring and a new wave of regional destabilization however seriously limited Turkey's ability to do it. Reacting to the regional turbulence Turkey has reset its foreign policy appealing to the concept of "moral realism", an intricate combination of humanitarianism and militarism being its core part. ; Перипетии международных трансформаций, которые Ближний Восток пережил в ХХ и начале XXI века, фактически превратили его в регион без регионального порядка. Характерная для Ближнего Востока на протяжении всей его новейшей истории полицентричность в начале этого века имела своей главной производной многообразие различных видений регионального порядка, которых придерживались региональные державы и глобальные игроки, глубоко вовлеченные в ближневосточные дела. Парадокс такой ситуации заключался в том, что ни у одной из держав не хватало военно-политического и культурно-идеологического потенциала, чтобы реализовать свой проект регионального порядка или навязать его другим. В данном контексте в указанный период внешнеполитическая стратегия Турции претерпела существенные изменения. На рубеже веков она все еще оставалась державой status quo, ориентированной на Запад и придерживавшейся позиции невмешательства в дела региона. Однако возрастающая включенность Турции в глобальные и региональные процессы в 2000-е гг. сделала внешнеполитический курс Анкары гораздо более подверженным влиянию мировой и региональной конъюнктуры, а приход к власти Партии справедливости и развития внес во внутриполитический и внешнеполитический дискурс сильный исламский элемент. В результате лейтмотивом первого десятилетия этого века в турецком дискурсе о региональном порядке стали идеи конвергенции либеральных и исламских ценностей. Однако с началом «Арабской весны» и новой волны дестабилизации Ближнего Востока возможности Турции в построении такого порядка и продуцировании его ценностных ориентаций стали стремительно сокращаться. Результатом реакции на региональную турбулентность стала «перезагрузка» внешней политики Турции в духе нового турецкого концепта «морального реализма», призванного показать причудливое сочетание милитаризма и гуманизма.

The authors analyze the influence of cultural and civilizational differences between developing and developed countries. The Asian and African states are building their own alternative models of democracy and modernization, which largely contradict the individualistic Western paradigm. The section studies contemporary challenges which threaten security of the countries in Asia and Africa, to wit: terrorism, ethnic and religious conflicts, demographic and environmental challenges, energy security. ; Авторы анализируют проблему влияния культурно-цивилизационных различий между развивающимися и развитыми странами на современном этапе. Страны Востока выстраивают собственные альтернативные модели демократии и модернизации, которые во многом противоречат индивидуалистической западной парадигме. В разделе исследованы современные вызовы, угрожающие безопасности стран Азии и Африки: терроризм, этноконфессиональные конфликты, демографические и экологические проблемы, проблемы энергетической безопасности.

This article analyzes the soft power of the People's Republic of China (PRC) in Mongolia from 2009 to 2016. To determine the scope of Chinese policy in this area, the author analyzes the indicators of two other influential actors in the region: the Russian Federation and the United States. The author uses a comparative approach to evaluate the effectiveness of China's soft power and a quantitative method to calculate a soft power index based on the system proposed by the author drawing on the experience of a British think-tank, the Institute for Government. Four components of the soft power toolkit are analyzed: foreign policy principles, a successful economic model, a successful social model and cultural and civilizational values. This analysis reveals which of the components is most actively used by the state-subject and which has the greatest degree of influence on the formation of a positive image of China in Mongolia. Based on this analysis, the author identifies flaws in the projects of the PRC, Russia and the U.S. in Mongolia which clearly demonstrate the ineffectiveness of policy in this area. The dominance ofChina is demonstrated in several ways, from its economic influence to its penetration of the national language and culture. China is gradually increasing its emphasis on cultural and civilizational valueswithin the framework of its soft power policy due to the lessening significance of a successful economic model as a component of soft power. This is due not only to a slowdown in the growth of the Chinese economy but also to the economic crisis inside Mongolia. Nevertheless, the author concludes that, despite quite good indicators, the PRC also experiences certain difficulties with the implementation of its soft power policy. Sinophobia is prevalent in Mongolia, and as a result, the most important part of soft power - the formation of a positive image - is absent. © HSE, 1993-2018.

The article substantiates a need to develop a cultural code as a guardian, carrier and translator of the traditional values of modern societies, a catalyst for perfecting valuable reference points, preferences and determinants of social subjects, setting norms for them and regulating their socio-cultural activities. The author demonstrates that through the history, a cultural code working as a mechanism of spiritual and moral preeminence and ethno-cultural identity contributes to shaping spirituality and developing integration and socio-cultural interaction in the contemporary world; protects traditional values from destruction by informational and communicational revolution and by the intervention of social nets into social relations; determines the protection of culture against marginalization ruining traditional connections and forms of value and civilizational interaction.

The article deals with the various aspects of the political discourse of Islam. Attempts to analyze the methods of using by different political actors of the religious factor, as a resource for political purposes. It shown on the basis of qualitative and quantitative content analysis that cultural and civilizational specificity of Russia, centuries-old tradition of peaceful coexistence of different religions is one of the main obstacles to the spread of religious extremism. ; Статья посвящена рассмотрению различных аспектов политического дискурса ислама. Предпринята попытка анализа методов использования различными политическими акторами религиозного фактора как ресурса для достижения политических целей. На основе качественного и количественного контент-анализа показано, что культурно-цивилизационная специфика России, многовековая традиция мирного сосуществования различных религий составляет одно из главных препятствий распространению религиозного экстремизма.

Migration crisis that shook the European countries in 2015, seriously affected the development of political processes in the EU. However, to recognize the movement of large masses of people to Europe from Syria and neighboring areas, as only consequences of the "Arab Spring", acts of ISIL or search for better life, seem to be in correct. Those events were provoked by the revitalization processes in Islam and the attempts of the traditional oriental society to respond to external challenges. The author, basing his ideal on opinions of the Constructivists about the importance of identity's indicators (largely based on religion) to all social and political institutions and processes, believes that such a large-scale migration has become possible due to the overlapping of two civilizational paradigms: search by Muslims of their identity and the identity crisis in the modern European society.

The article compares the forecasts concerning trends in world politics of the early 21st century created by Francis Fukuyama, Samuel Huntington and Immanuel Wallerstein. Though none of the forecasts was completely accurate, all of them spoke of the tendencies that could be later observed in world politics. Despite many experts criticized Fukuyama's concept of the 'end of history', Western elites had been making foreign policies of their countries in accordance with the concept until recently.The article explains how such policies came to contradict contemporary state of affairs. In accordance with Huntington's expectations, the role of civilizational factor in world politics of the early 21st century signifi cantly grew compared to previous periods. However, the character of civilizational factor's infl uence on political processes appeared to be different compared to what Huntington expected. The article underlines the accuracy of Wallerstein's forecast concerning the consequences of mass South-North migration. At the same time, the article concludes, his forecast, likewise the other two, also requires adaptation to contemporary situation in societal development. ; В статье дается сравнительный анализ прогнозов об особенностях и тенденциях развития мировой политики начала XXI в., данных в работах известных политологов Ф. Фукуямы, С. Хантингтона и И. Валлерстайна. Подчеркивается, что каждый из них предсказал некоторые тенденции, реально проявившиеся в мировых политических процессах последних десятилетий, хотя не все прогнозы оказались точными. Отмечается, что, хотя концепция «конца истории» Ф. Фукуямы подвергалась обоснованной критике со стороны специалистов, на практике правящие элиты стран Запада до последнего времени выстраивали политику в соответствии с этой концепцией. Констатируется, что эта политика пришла в противоречие с современными реалиями. Как и предполагал С. Хантингтон, роль цивилизационного фактора в мировой политике XXI в. возросла по сравнению с предшествующими периодами. Но влияние этого фактора на политические процессы проявляется иначе, чем предполагал американский политолог. Наиболее близок к современным реалиям прогноз И. Валлерстайна относительно последствий массовой миграции с Юга на Север. Тем не менее этот, как и все другие прогнозы, необходимо адаптировать к современной ситуации в общественном развитии.

The subject of this study is the process of transformation of forms of national and subjective identity in the conditions of globalization. The aim of the study is to identify the specifics of the formation of coherent identity under the influence of the challenges of contemporary globalization and limited resources of the national state. The scientific novelty of the research consists in the analysis of new types of social representations in the crisis of national states and construction of the mechanism of cultural inheritance in the model of "democratic citizenship". Today, national identity is not a form of positioning of social communities, where one discourse dominates. In reality, national identity includes a complex set of competing models of representation focused on different ideals and values. In the conditions of contemporary globalization, a coherent type of multiple identity is formed, which is able to combine the universal principles of democracy with the basic values of local cultures. To an even greater extent, globalization has changed the mechanism of constructing subjective identity, abolished its boundaries and created a plurality of forms of its representation. Globalization has caused a change of ways of identification of events and phenomena by individuals, has generated inefficiency of social institutions, ephemeral cultural manifestations, has generated a crisis of meanings, and as a consequence, a change in the basic paradigms of life of the individual and society. Everyday life has become a complex of reactions to abstract schemes that cultivate changing social and identity attachments of the individual. ; Предмет данного исследования — процесс трансформации форм национальной и субъективной идентичности в условиях глобализации. Цель исследования — выявление специфики формирования когерентной идентичности под влиянием вызовов современной глобализации и ограниченности ресурсов национального государства. Научная новизна исследования заключается в анализе новых типов социальной репрезентации в условиях кризиса национальных государств и конструирования механизма культурного наследования в рамках модели «демократического гражданства». Сегодня национальная идентичность не представляет собой форму позиционирования социальных общностей, где доминирует один дискурс. В реальности национальная идентичность включает в себя сложный набор конкурирующих моделей репрезентаций, ориентированных на разные идеалы и ценности. В условиях современной глобализации формируется когерентный тип множественной идентичности, способной совмещать универсальные принципы демократии с базовыми ценностями локальных культур. Еще в большей степени глобализация изменила механизм конструирования субъективной идентичности, упразднила ее границы и породила множественность форм ее репрезентации. Глобализация вызвала смену способов идентификации индивидами событий и явлений, породила неэффективность социальных институтов, эфемерность культурных проявлений, кризис смыслов и, как следствие, смену базовых парадигм жизнедеятельности личности и общества. Повседневная жизнь превратилась в комплекс реакций на абстрактные схемы, культивирующие меняющиеся социально-идентификационные привязанности личности.

In this article the analysis of process, tendencies of change of unipolar model of a world order on multipolar is carried out. The most essential characteristics of liberalism as the most characteristic expression of the unipolar model of the world order are given. In the course of the study, special attention is paid to the analysis of the most significant events that mark the process of changing the model of the world order. The "Order of Large Spaces" as a supposed concept of legitimacy of the new world order is presented as a proposed structure of the world order. The author pays special attention to the potential of Russia to consolidate the Large Eurasian space and to the existential necessity of this process. The result of this study can be considered the justification of the Eurasian project as an expression of the essence of a Large space, the process of integration of the post-Soviet space, the key civilizational and foreign policy of Russia.

Раздел "Международные отношения и внешняя политика" ; В статье рассматриваются вопросы концептуальных основ современных политических исследований Центральной Азии. Автором выделены четыре основных подхода в изучении региона: геополитический, цивилизационный, модернизационный и постмодернистский. Наибольшее внимание уделено проблеме методологических ограничений рассматриваемых парадигм. В качестве одного из самых удачных, по мнению автора, продолжает оставаться модернизационный подход несмотря на серьезную критику постмодернистского характера. Делается вывод о некоторых «рисках» для политических исследований в случае доминирования постмодернистских концептов. = The article deals with the issues of conceptual bases of contemporary political research of Central Asia. The author identifies four main approaches in the study of the region. They are the following: geopolitical, civilizational, modernization and post-modernization. The article is focused on the problem of methodological restrictions of paradigms considered. According to the author, one of the most successful approaches is still a modernization one, despite serious criticism of post-modernization nature. The conclusion is made that there are several risks for political research in case of post-modernization concepts domination.

The author considers Islamism not only as a socio-political movement, but he also examines historical and civilizational features of the Near and Middle East, which contributed to the fact that it was just the place where Islamism emerged and manifests itself as a perceptible phenomenon. Historical, ideological and socio-political reasons for its appearance and widespread use in most Islamic countries are mentioned in the article. The paper regards the historical development of Islamism, the reasons for its victories in the 1970 - 1980s, and the rise of the Islamic revival. Islamism is one of the most complex social phenomena of the present time. It is a many-sided, changing and heterogeneous movement, within the framework of which a very intense ideological and political struggle takes place. The author pays attention to the deep roots and broad social support of Islamism by the population, its numerous social functions. The definition of Islamism and its main trends (moderate and radical) are given in the article. The reasons for its plurality are explained. It is shown that moderate Islamism, unlike radical one, seeks to integrate into the legal political space, and therefore can be an ally in the struggle against radical Islamism, as well as strong secular political regimes.

The article deals with the current problem of the prevalence of the phenomenon of social-populism in the political space of Ukraine and identifies the main tendencies for its further development. The analysis of the main causes and features of the phenome ; У статті розглянута актуальна проблема поширеності феномена соціал-популізму у політичному просторі України та визначено основні тенденції його подальшого розвитку. Здійснено аналіз основних причин та ознак явища популізму в контексті політичного ландша ; У статті розглянута актуальна проблема поширеності феномена соціал-популізму у політичному просторі України та визначено основні тенденції його подальшого розвитку. Здійснено аналіз основних причин та ознак явища популізму в контексті політичного ландша