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Chen Chieh-jen is a Taiwanese video artist whose work shows the power relations between the so-called "mainstream" and "the periphery" from a postcolonial point of view. By focusing on one of his video artworks called Lingchi-Echoes of a Historical Photograph (2002), the article will demonstrate how the body is used as a metaphor in order to represent contemporary Taiwanese history, politics and society. Most notably, the body is used by the author to emphasize the effects of colonialism and globalization in Taiwan. Chen compares both as an everlasting process of mutilation and "Chinese punishment". This fragmented body will be use to critize the political struggles between the Chinese government (People's Republic of China) and Taiwanese politicians in the XXth century. Finally, special relevance will be given to the artistic and symbolic role of the gaze in this work, as a critic to the mainstream power. ; Chen Chieh-jen es un reconocido artista internacional de origen taiwanés cuya obra reflexiona, desde una perspectiva poscolonial, sobre las relaciones de poder entre el llamado "centro" y la "periferia". Centrándome en su obra Lingchi-Ecos de una fotografía histórica (2002), este artículo presentará algunas nuevas aportaciones sobre cómo el cuerpo es usado para representar la dramática historia contemporánea de Taiwán, su política y su sociedad. El cuerpo será empleado por el autor para destacar los nefastos efectos del colonialismo y la globalización en Taiwán. El autor asimila ambos procesos a una "tortura china", a una larga mutilación. Igualmente, este cuerpo mutilado le servirá para criticar los enfrentamientos entre el gobierno chino de la República Popular China y el taiwanés durante la segunda mitad del siglo XX. Finalmente, prestaremos especial atención al papel simbólico y artístico de la mirada en esta obra, siempre teñida de una fuerte crítica hacia el poder.

This paper explores the intersection of sexual identity, gender, and politics in the specifically Irish context of Bram Stoker's Dracula. Neither Stoker nor Dracula are typically thought of as Irish, but by highlighting Stoker's presentation of "thirdspace" characters, as well as his own "thirdspace" identities, it becomes possible to see the distinctly Irish origins and influence of the author and the novel. Critics have in the last 20 years read Draculaeither as a novel with queer concerns or a novel with political concerns. By looking at these two aspects together and in light of each other, a specifically Irish, postcolonial understanding of the novel becomes possible. In 2001, vampires are often portrayed as bisexual, promiscuous, and androgynous. In 1895, Stoker presented vampires as having blended characteristics of masculinity and femininity. Female vampires have masculine sexual behaviour, while male vampires like Dracula have typically feminine sexual behaviour. This picture of vampires mirrors the way homosexuals were being discussed by some theorists at that time. Particularly in the aftermath of the Oscar Wilde trial, scientists came to see homosexuals as people who possessed both masculine and feminine characteristics, as a third sex. Also as a result of the trial, it became popular to discuss homosexuals as a group that restocked their populations by converting young people. Conversion was also the typical way to conceive of colonial activities during this time. Natives were considered backward or inferior, so converting them to English lifestyles and customs was seemingly the kindest action the English could take. Replacing native customs with industrialisation and technology was considered a progressive type of colonialism. Stoker portrays this conversion method of colonialism in the character of Dracula. The Count threatens to take London not by force, but by slowly converting its citizens to his way of life. This intersection of colonialism and homosexuality in Draculaallows Stoker to re-define the importance of a third position to the contemporary Irish problem of the Land League. Like homosexuals at that time, the Anglo-Irish also occupied a third position, considered neither truly Irish nor truly English. Just as it takes those defined by a third position to defeat Dracula's attempt at colonisation, Stoker seems to suggest it will take the Anglo-Irish to settle colonial issues in Ireland successfully.

James David Rubadiri (1930-2018), poet, playwright, novelist, academic, diplomat, and political activist, is no stranger to many literary scholars in Africa and beyond. His popularity is not a result of his thespian skills—he acted Othello once—or skills in fiction writing (although he did try his hand at novel writing, producing No Bride Price), but mainly a result of his teaching and his skills in poetry. Although he is famous as a poet, his poetic harvest is rather minimal—his only collection, An African Thunderstorm and Other Poems, boasts only twenty-three poems. What the poems lack in numbers, they more than compensate for in the energy and beauty that they radiate, beauty that has seen most of them translated and anthologised around the world over the years. It is also this energy, the beauty of composition, and their tackling of relevant themes, which have made his poems the staple of many poetry classes in Africa and beyond. In this paper I analyse Rubadiri's poems that appear in the collection An African Thunderstorm and Other Poems. I argue that the success of Rubadiri's poetry is primarily based on his evocation of the dramatic, which is in turn reliant on his economic use of language, his descriptive skills, and his use of vivid and evocative images. These aspects do not only render the poetry enduring and memorable, but they also make the poems and the action in them spring to life, cementing the legacy of the poet as one of the accomplished poets of his generation in Africa. The discussion in this paper is divided into three parts. The first part examines how Rubadiri infuses a sense of the dramatic in poems that address issues of colonisation and blackness, the second part discusses how the poet evokes drama in poems about neocolonialism and postcolonial disenchantment, and the final section shows how Rubadiri's use of imagery and diction in poems about African life and the environment give the poems a vividness, sense of immediacy and a dramatic quality.Keywords: Rubadiri, Malawian poetry, style, language, evocative imagery, Africa,colonialism

La asignación de atribuciones de juez de la Administración al Consejo de Estado colombiano en los comienzos del siglo XX puede leerse como un episodio de expansionismo cultural francés. Paralelamente a la política de expansionismo militar impulsada por Napoleón III, se desarrollaron dinámicas culturales que determinaron una especie de colonialismo ideológico que de buena manera fue aceptado en Colombia mediante la importación de instituciones jurídicas, que modificaron los mecanismos mediante los cuales la Administración Pública resolvía judicialmente sus conflictos. ; The allocation of powers of judge of the Administration to the Colombian Council of State in the early twentieth century can be read as an episode of French cultural expansionism. Parallel with the policy of military expansionism driven by Napoleon III, cultural dynamics were developed that identified a kind of ideological colonialism. Through the importation of legal institutions that changed the mechanisms by which the Civil Service judicially resolved their conflicts the process was gladly adopted in Colombia.

International audience ; In his mammoth Nouvelle Géographie Universelle (1876-1894), Élisée Reclus (1830-1905) tries for the first time, as a Western geographer, to 'provincialize' Europe within a global dynamics. Applying his anarchist ideas to his Geography, he represents the principle of unity for human kind, stating that all men should live on the Earth as 'brothers' and refusing the 'superiority' of one culture over the others. Nevertheless, his stance on the settling of European workers in North Africa, which he regarded with some sympathy, has been considered rather ambiguous by some French geographers. Other scholars, however, have stated recently that such a view is consistent with the anarchist and socialist thought of the time, which considered workers' emigration as a way of spreading 'social ideas' overseas, without encouraging political or military domination. New research on Reclus is largely based on the exploration of the 19 volumes of the Nouvelle Géographie Universelle (henceforth NGU), which was sometimes considered less interesting than his other works, such as L'Homme et la Terre, but now reveals its originality in resizing Europe within geographical thought To avoid the perils of anachronism it is important to analyse what Reclus said within the political and cultural context of his time. What are the representations of Europe, Otherness and Colonialism of a very influential geographer, who was at the same time one of the founders of the international anarchist movement? What insights might it offer to contemporary studies on colonialism and post-colonialism? I try to clarify these issues by engaging with two emblematic cases - British rule over India and the French occupation of Algeria - as they are presented in the NGU. I begin with an analysis of the existing literature, both on Reclus and on the relationship between European science and colonialism. Then, I consider Reclus' representation of the British Empire and, subsequently, the French Empire. Finally, I summarise his construction ...

"Little Brother," an autobiographical essay, is an excerpt from my manuscript, Dispossessed Indigeneity: Literary Excavations of Internalized Colonialism. I begin with the premise that 21st century Indigenous political movements focused on returning to our particular nations, languages, and land bases are often not accessible to urban and dispossessed Indigenous people. Further, I contend that urban and dispossessed Indigenous people embody particular subjectivities that contemporary Indigenous theory has not sufficiently recognized, understood, or theorized. To begin to fill this gap, I theorize the subjectivities of Indigenous people who have been dispossessed from our ancestral communities, families, and lands, in order to articulate our political agency and potential contributions to social struggles against colonialism and capitalism. Dispossessed Indigeneity presents historicized and politicized readings of three Indigenous authors in Canada: Edward Ahenakew (Cree); George Clutesi (Nuu-chah-nulth); and Jeannette Armstrong (Syilx). Through close readings of their texts, I offer Indigenous perspectives on political problems that characterize contemporary working class and urban Indigenous social movements. These problems include interweaving an anti-colonial Indigenous analysis with an anti-capitalist analysis; locating Indigenous politics of recognition and redistribution that do not rely on models of recognition and redistribution controlled by the colonial state; developing a concept of Indigenous historical consciousness as an avenue of politicization; and articulating Indigenous concepts and practices of land and value rooted in noncapitalist ecological knowledges. Woven through the literary and theoretical chapters are interludes, including "little brother," that extend personal and political reflections and show my own stake in the critical work, as well as practicing Indigenous storytelling alongside the authors whose works I consider.

Among all the national movements in colonial countries, the Indian national movement (1885-1947) was the most deeply and firmly rooted in understanding the nature and character of colonial economic domination and exploitation. Its early leaders, known as the moderates, were the first in the 19th century to develop an economic critique of colonialism. The constant flow of wealth from real return has been described by Indian nationalist and economists as the drain of India to England for which India did not get an adequate economic, commercial or match from India. They made it clear that the colonial government was utilizing Indian resources, both natural and human, as land revenue, agriculture and industry not for developing India but for the industrial development and extension in Britain. The drain of wealth was interpreted as an indirect tribute extracted by imperial Britain from India year after year. According to the nationalist calculations, this chain amounted to one-half of the government revenues more than the entire land revenue collection and over one-third of India's total savings. The Drain of Wealth theory was systemically initiated by Dadabhai Naoroji in 1867 and further analyzed and developed by R. P. Dutt, M. G Ranade, etc. Their focal point of critique of colonialism was the drain theory. They pointed out that a large part of India's capital and wealth was being transferred or drained to Britain in the form of salaries and pensions of British civil and military officials working in India, interests on loans taken by the Indian government, profits of the British capitalists in India and the home charges or expenses of the Indian Government in Britain.

International audience ; The events of May 1972 in Madagascar revealed the superficiality of the Independence proclaimed in 1960. The ruling party was formed by local elites, while political, social and cultural life in the great Island was still strongly influenced by French power and its intervention through various cooperation agreements. The higher education system was a case in point. It was in the schools and unand languages of mobilizationiversities that a nationalist movement had been born , then joined in support by the rest of the population. But the system was characterized by profound social, political and ethnic gaps which divided Malagasy society - gaps which were a legacy of colonial domination. Forms of rebellion and and languages of mobilization in 1972 underline the effort to attain a real independence - one freed from all forms of neo-colonialism. ; Les événements de mai 1972 à Madagascar révèle le caractère inachevé de l'Indépendance proclamée en 1960. Le parti au pouvoir est issu des élites coloniales tandis que la vie politique, sociale et culturelle de la grande île reste étroitement liée à l'influence et à l'interventionnisme de la France à travers les accords de coopération , comme l'illustre la situation de l'enseignement supérieur. C'est dans les écoles et les universités que naît un mouvement de contestation, rejoint par le reste de la population, qui révèle la profondeur et le poids des divisions ethniques et sociales nées de la période coloniale. Les formes de la contestation et les langages de la mobilisation confirment cet effort pour atteindre une vraie indépendance, débarrassée de toute forme de néo-colonialisme.

International audience ; The events of May 1972 in Madagascar revealed the superficiality of the Independence proclaimed in 1960. The ruling party was formed by local elites, while political, social and cultural life in the great Island was still strongly influenced by French power and its intervention through various cooperation agreements. The higher education system was a case in point. It was in the schools and unand languages of mobilizationiversities that a nationalist movement had been born , then joined in support by the rest of the population. But the system was characterized by profound social, political and ethnic gaps which divided Malagasy society - gaps which were a legacy of colonial domination. Forms of rebellion and and languages of mobilization in 1972 underline the effort to attain a real independence - one freed from all forms of neo-colonialism. ; Les événements de mai 1972 à Madagascar révèle le caractère inachevé de l'Indépendance proclamée en 1960. Le parti au pouvoir est issu des élites coloniales tandis que la vie politique, sociale et culturelle de la grande île reste étroitement liée à l'influence et à l'interventionnisme de la France à travers les accords de coopération , comme l'illustre la situation de l'enseignement supérieur. C'est dans les écoles et les universités que naît un mouvement de contestation, rejoint par le reste de la population, qui révèle la profondeur et le poids des divisions ethniques et sociales nées de la période coloniale. Les formes de la contestation et les langages de la mobilisation confirment cet effort pour atteindre une vraie indépendance, débarrassée de toute forme de néo-colonialisme.

International audience ; The events of May 1972 in Madagascar revealed the superficiality of the Independence proclaimed in 1960. The ruling party was formed by local elites, while political, social and cultural life in the great Island was still strongly influenced by French power and its intervention through various cooperation agreements. The higher education system was a case in point. It was in the schools and unand languages of mobilizationiversities that a nationalist movement had been born , then joined in support by the rest of the population. But the system was characterized by profound social, political and ethnic gaps which divided Malagasy society - gaps which were a legacy of colonial domination. Forms of rebellion and and languages of mobilization in 1972 underline the effort to attain a real independence - one freed from all forms of neo-colonialism. ; Les événements de mai 1972 à Madagascar révèle le caractère inachevé de l'Indépendance proclamée en 1960. Le parti au pouvoir est issu des élites coloniales tandis que la vie politique, sociale et culturelle de la grande île reste étroitement liée à l'influence et à l'interventionnisme de la France à travers les accords de coopération , comme l'illustre la situation de l'enseignement supérieur. C'est dans les écoles et les universités que naît un mouvement de contestation, rejoint par le reste de la population, qui révèle la profondeur et le poids des divisions ethniques et sociales nées de la période coloniale. Les formes de la contestation et les langages de la mobilisation confirment cet effort pour atteindre une vraie indépendance, débarrassée de toute forme de néo-colonialisme.

This short intervention starts by discussing Giorgio Agamben's theoretical formulation of 'bare life,' popular in refugee studies. Thinking with the case study of Palestinian refugee camps, particularly in the West Bank, it argues that there are clear limitations to the discourse of and bare life. I argue that 'bare life' neither accounts for the multilayered relations of power, particularly colonialism, slavery, and indigenous genocide, that systemically make certain populations more susceptible to its power than others. Nor does it account for the modes of of those who are systemically relegated to its sphere. I conclude by working through some of the theoretical formulations around body politics from the field of Black studies, particularly Alexander Weheliye's 2014 concept of the flesh, in order to explore new directions they may point us towards in refugee studies. ; Cette courte intervention débute par une discussion de la formulation théorique de Giorgio sur la vie , populaire dans les études sur les réfugiés. À partir de l'étude de cas des camps de réfugiés palestiniens, en particulier en Cisjordanie, elle soutient qu'il existe des limitations claires au discours de la biopolitique et de la vie nue. Je soutiens que la vie ne rend pas compte des rapports de pouvoir à plusieurs niveaux, en particulier le colonialisme, l'esclavage, et le génocide des autochtones, qui rendent certaines populations plus vulnérables que d'autres à son pouvoir. Elle ne rend pas compte non plus des modes de sociabilité de ceux qui sont relégués à sa sphère. Je conclus en examinant certaines des formulations théoriques entourant les politiques du corps dans le champ des Black , et particulièrement le concept de chair» chez Alexander Wehelieye (2014) afin d'explorer les nouvelles avenues qu'elles pourraient ouvrir dans les études sur les réfugiés.

This writing seeks to describe Muhammadiyah political movement in growing nationalism among the people of Indonesia. Muhammadiyah is better known as an organization engaged in social, religion, and education area. From this tendency, so this organization is often viewed as an organization that is not political. Even in some sources it is often ambivalent in describing some parts of Muhammadiyah movement in Indonesia. Although Muhammadiyah is better known for its social, religious, and educational area, but in its efforts to achieve the goal of Indonesia free of Dutch colonialism, Muhammadiyah also often uses its political means, especially in the area of practical politics. Muhammadiyah is an organization born with the aim of opposing Dutch colonialism, and thus the right way used against this form of colonialism is to instill nationalism of the society. Muhammadiyah politics in instilling nationalism is with the area itself. that is through social, religion, and education.

This article argues that South African social work education, situated in Western modernism and broadly within the ideological project of colonialism and racist capitalism, should move from knowledge and discourses which are domesticating and oppressive, and do essential decolonising work. It explores colonialism and post-colonialism and the politics of social work knowledge, it describes the processes of the #RhodesMustFall and #FeesMustFall movements, and then it describes the work of decolonisation. In order to move from coloniality and domestication, which means neither indigenisation nor Africanisation, social work education must 1) reclaim and repossess truths and narratives about the history of social work in South Africa, 2) explore ideology underlying its knowledge and discourses, 3) facilitate critical conscientisation and cultivate a critical and anti-colonial approach, and 4) include anti-colonial theorists in the curriculum. It provides two examples of courses which facilitate such a process.

The article deals with some problems regarding the work of those historian s who try to evaluate the effects of modern Western colonialism on the colonized territories o f Asia and Africa. It is argued that the political, economical, social, cultural and religious consequences have all to be taken in to account and that, depending on the historian's philosophical or ideological view point, certain consequences will be con s id ere d more important than others. Some aspects of a Christian view of history, involving colonialism as a historical phenomenon, are discussed. It is pointed out that the development of societies has always been thoroughly influenced by cultural interchange which has taken place among different societies. Colonialism has always been an important factor in the process by which societies have influenced one another, providing an essential part of the process of historical development.

The regime of settler-colonialism present in Algeria during the French Third Republic (1870-1940) facilitated a certain mythos of Republican French renewal. Given the value French culture places on aesthetics, the colonial architecture and urban forms in French colonies was treated quite seriously. the intense political conflict and directed acculturation which characterised European imperialism, the colonial city brings many of the interactions between culture and politics into sharp relief. This thesis adds to the previous literature concerning colonial urbanism by examining the colonial ideologies embedded within Le Corbusier's master plans for Algiers. His work remains influential and controversial within architecture and urban theory. Using a comparative approach this thesis contends that colonialism, and specifically racialized colonial violence, is inseparable from Le Corbusier's work.