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Examining the urban development and social change of Changchun during the period 1932-1957, this project covers three political regimes in Changchun (the Japanese, the Nationalist, and the Communist), and explores how political agendas operated and evolved as a local phenomenon in this city. I aim to reveal connections between the colonial past and socialist "present". I also aim to reveal both the idiosyncrasies of Japanese colonialism vis-à-vis Western colonialism from the perspective of the built environment, and the similarities and connections of urban construction between the colonial and socialist regime, despite antithetically propagandist banners, to unfold the shared value of anti-capitalist pursuit of exploring new visions of and different paths to the modern. The first three chapters relate to colonial period (1932-1945), each exploring one facet of the idiosyncrasies of Japanese colonialism in relation to Changchun's urbanism. Chapter One deals with the idiosyncrasies of Japanese colonialism as manifested in planning Changchun are the subject of the next chapter. Chapter Two charts out the plurality of architectural styles in the city, and analyzes the diversities, ambivalences, and ambiguities in the practice of statecraft and urban construction. Chapter Three gives a picture of how the downtown of Changchun was reconstructed to meet new political agenda when Socialist Realism took sway of aesthetic program. I also examine in this chapter the nature of Japanese colonialism in Manchukuo from the perspective of rituals and pubic pageantries, by using Yamamuro's analogy of the client state to a hybrid beast of chimera.The last two chapters examine Changchun's development since 1945. Chapter Four pictures how the downtown of Changchun was reconstructed to meet new political agenda. Chapter Five explores Changchun's urban expansion under Maoism: the construction of the First Automobile Works, a key project of Maoist industrialization. The purposes of the dissertation have been anchored by an overall objective to fill up this vacancy from the perspective of urban construction and urban life.This dissertation has unfolded a proliferation of competing formulations of the modern in Changchun's urban history, some inspired by Western creations but more competing with Western concerns. In the competition for the dominance of the world, Japanese colonialism in Manchukuo and Chinese socialism both represented massive anti-capitalist and anti-imperialist qualities.

In October 2017, the Institute on Inequality and Democracy at UCLA Luskin in partnership with the Center for the Study of Race, Politics, and Culture at the University of Chicago convened a symposium on the theme, "Race and Capitalism: Global Territories, Transnational Histories." A part of the national Race and Capitalism project led by Michael Dawson and Megan Ming Francis, the symposium sought to highlight how the study of racial capitalism in the United States must be situated in the long history of global systems of colonialism, imperialism, and development. With this in mind, the program was organized around four key themes: diasporas of racial capitalism; the land question; imperialism and its limits; race, capitalism, and settler-colonialism. Bringing together scholars from many different institutions, the symposium was also a space for shared work across different disciplines in the social sciences and humanities. Writings and presentations by four scholars, Nathan Connolly, Keisha-Khan Perry, Allan Lumba, and Alyosha Goldstein, anchored a day of debate and dialogue. This collection provides a glimpse of their key provocations as well as of the questions and comments posed by invited interlocutors. It is not a culmination but instead a benchmark in the ongoing efforts to build collaborative scholarship concerned with race and capitalism. Central to our concerns has been the question of what this might mean for a new generation of curriculum and pedagogy and for the next generation of scholars, our graduate students. We hope that the conceptual and methodological frameworks and interrogations presented here are useful in the endeavor of speaking back to our disciplines and speaking across our disciplines.

In October 2017, the Institute on Inequality and Democracy at UCLA Luskin in partnership with the Center for the Study of Race, Politics, and Culture at the University of Chicago convened a symposium on the theme, "Race and Capitalism: Global Territories, Transnational Histories." A part of the national Race and Capitalism project led by Michael Dawson and Megan Ming Francis, the symposium sought to highlight how the study of racial capitalism in the United States must be situated in the long history of global systems of colonialism, imperialism, and development. With this in mind, the program was organized around four key themes: diasporas of racial capitalism; the land question; imperialism and its limits; race, capitalism, and settler-colonialism. Bringing together scholars from many different institutions, the symposium was also a space for shared work across different disciplines in the social sciences and humanities. Writings and presentations by four scholars, Nathan Connolly, Keisha-Khan Perry, Allan Lumba, and Alyosha Goldstein, anchored a day of debate and dialogue. This collection provides a glimpse of their key provocations as well as of the questions and comments posed by invited interlocutors. It is not a culmination but instead a benchmark in the ongoing efforts to build collaborative scholarship concerned with race and capitalism. Central to our concerns has been the question of what this might mean for a new generation of curriculum and pedagogy and for the next generation of scholars, our graduate students. We hope that the conceptual and methodological frameworks and interrogations presented here are useful in the endeavor of speaking back to our disciplines and speaking across our disciplines.

Perverse temporalities : primitive accumulation and the settler colonial foundations of debt imperialism -- The military base and camptown : seizing land "by bulldozer and bayonet" and the transpacific masculinist compact -- The POW camp : waging psychological warfare and a new settler frontier -- The unincorporated territory : constituting indefinite deferral and "no page is ever terra nullius".

Dependencia, cambio social y urbanización en Latinoamérica -- 'Polo marginal' y 'mano de obra marginal' -- Sobre la naturaleza actual del la crisis del capitalismo (primera conferencia) -- América Latina en la economía mundial -- ¿Del 'polo marginal' a la 'economia alternativa'? -- El trabajo al final del siglo XX -- Colonialidad del poder y clasificacion social -- José Carlos Mariátegui: reencuentro y debate: prólogo a 7 ensayos de interpretación de la realidad peruana -- Nacionalismo, neoimperialismo y militarismo en el Perú (introducción y parte primera) y La modernización y homogeneización relativa del capitalismo en el Perú -- El nuevo terreno de la lucha de clases y los problemas de la revolución en América Latina -- ¿Frente popular antimperialista o frente de trabajadores? -- Los usos de la democracia burguesa.

Earth into Property: The Bowl with One Spoon, Part Two explores the relationship between the dispossession of Indigenous peoples and the making of global capitalism. Beginning with Christopher Columbus's inception of a New World Order in 1492, Anthony Hall draws on a massive body of original research to produce a narrative that is audacious, encyclopedic, and transformative in the new light it sheds on the complex historical processes that converged in the financial debacle of 2008 and 2009.

On 17 August 1945, two days after the Japanese surrender, Indonesia declared its independence. The declaration was not recognized by the Netherlands, which resorted to force in its attempt to take control of the inevitable process of decolonization. This led to four years of difficult negotiations and bitter warfare. In 2005, the Dutch government declared that the Netherlands should never have waged the war. The government's 1969 position on the violence used by the Dutch armed forces during the war remained unchanged, however: although there had been 'excesses', on the whole the armed forces had behaved 'correctly'. As the indications of Dutch extreme violence mounted, this official position proved increasingly difficult to maintain. In 2016, the Dutch government therefore decided to fund a broad study on the dynamics of the violence. The most important conclusions are summarized in this book. The authors show that the Dutch armed forces used extreme violence on a structural basis, and that this was concealed both at the time and for many years after. All of this – like the entire colonial history – is at odds with the rose-tinted self-image of the Netherlands.

In 2017, French Minister of National Education Jean-Michel Blanquer was applauded by deputies when he announced, in the Assembly, that he was filing a defamation lawsuit against the SUD Education 93 union for "having decided to also talk about 'state racism'". The announcement was the subject of an intense polemic in which social sciences took part through media coverage. By mobilizing different data sets (both press and scholarly), this article identifies the perspectives that emerged "on the spot", then maps out the differentiated uses of "state racism" within the socio-academic space. It emerges that the use of this category is part of a political context shaped by multiple institutional sequences that have triggered the "race question" and structured the crystallization of a new "political anti-racism". The double problem of state racism and the colonial genealogy of the French Republic polarizes the perspectives about the faces of contemporary racism. ; En 2017, le ministre français de l'Éducation nationale Jean-Michel Blanquer est applaudi par les députés lorsqu'il annonce, à l'Assemblée, porter plainte pour diffamation contre le syndicat SUD éducation 93 pour avoir « décidé de parler aussi de "racisme d'État" ». L'annonce fait l'objet d'une polémique à laquelle les sciences sociales, par médias interposés, participent. En mobilisant différents textuels (de presse et académiques), l'article répertorie les points de vue qui ont émergé « à chaud », puis esquisse une cartographie des usages différenciés de l'expression « racisme d'État » au sein de l'espace socioacadémique. Il ressort que le recours à cette catégorie s'inscrit dans un contexte politique marqué par diverses séquences institutionnelles ayant activé la « question raciale » et structuré la cristallisation d'un nouvel « antiracisme politique ». La double question du racisme d'État et de la généalogie coloniale de la République française polarise les points de vue sur les visages du racisme contemporain.

The Tunisian colonial society was characterised by a strong presence of Italian nationals who for a long time were the largest group of foreigners in the Protectorate, outnumbering, at least until the thirties of the 20th century, the French population. Even though the period between the end of the 19th century and the First World War has been understudied in the research on the Italians of Tunisia, in those years there was a strong immigration in the Regency and, at the same time, a reconfiguration of Italian colonial ambitions in Africa. The first part of the thesis explains the diachronic pathways of Mediterranean mobility which allowed the settling in the Beylicat of groups recognised as Italian nationals, after the political unification of Italy. In 1896, Conventions regulate the Franco-Italian diplomatic tension that had begun after the French occupation of Tunisia. This diplomatic agreement guarantees to Italian nationals the maintenance of national citizenship for children born in Tunisia, as well as the preservation of the associative and school network previously established. The second part analyses the structure and the social dynamics of associations and schools, which aim to build a sense of national belonging. The purpose of this associative network, managed by the upper-class and supported by the consular institutions, is to make the group of Italian citizens of Tunisia an Italian community within the Tunisian colonial society. Finally, the third part examines how the Tunisian production of extraterritorial Italianness overlaps both with Italian colonial ambitions and with processes of racialisation within the community. The Italo-Turkish war and the First World War are analysed as a vector of the nation-building in this community. The support of the Italians of Tunisia for the conquest and colonisation of Libya, and their military, social and economic engagement in the Great War, show us the project of a particular form of colonial Italianness formed within the French Protectorate of Tunisia. ...

The Tunisian colonial society was characterised by a strong presence of Italian nationals who for a long time were the largest group of foreigners in the Protectorate, outnumbering, at least until the thirties of the 20th century, the French population. Even though the period between the end of the 19th century and the First World War has been understudied in the research on the Italians of Tunisia, in those years there was a strong immigration in the Regency and, at the same time, a reconfiguration of Italian colonial ambitions in Africa. The first part of the thesis explains the diachronic pathways of Mediterranean mobility which allowed the settling in the Beylicat of groups recognised as Italian nationals, after the political unification of Italy. In 1896, Conventions regulate the Franco-Italian diplomatic tension that had begun after the French occupation of Tunisia. This diplomatic agreement guarantees to Italian nationals the maintenance of national citizenship for children born in Tunisia, as well as the preservation of the associative and school network previously established. The second part analyses the structure and the social dynamics of associations and schools, which aim to build a sense of national belonging. The purpose of this associative network, managed by the upper-class and supported by the consular institutions, is to make the group of Italian citizens of Tunisia an Italian community within the Tunisian colonial society. Finally, the third part examines how the Tunisian production of extraterritorial Italianness overlaps both with Italian colonial ambitions and with processes of racialisation within the community. The Italo-Turkish war and the First World War are analysed as a vector of the nation-building in this community. The support of the Italians of Tunisia for the conquest and colonisation of Libya, and their military, social and economic engagement in the Great War, show us the project of a particular form of colonial Italianness formed within the French Protectorate of Tunisia. ...

Building, or re-building, states after war or crisis is a contentious process. But why? Sabaratnam argues that to best answer the question, we need to engage with the people who are supposedly benefiting from international 'expertise'. This book challenges and enhances standard 'critical' narratives of statebuilding by exploring the historical experiences and interpretive frameworks of the people targeted by intervention. Drawing on face-to-face interviews, archival research, policy reviews and in-country participant-observations carried out over several years, the author challenges assumptions underpinning external interventions, such as the incapacity of 'local' agents to govern and the necessity of 'liberal' values in demanding better governance. The analysis focuses on Mozambique, long hailed as one of international donors' great success stories, but whose peaceful, prosperous, democratic future now hangs in the balance. The conclusions underscore the significance of thinking with rather than for the targets of state-building assistance, and appreciating the historical and material conditions which underpin these reform efforts.

Exploring, amongst other themes, representations of the other, strategies adopted to resist such representations, the issues of identity, nationalism, colonialism, feminism, subaltern studies and the English language within the context of Empire, this book projects a study of post-colonialism through the work of Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak.