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Die Ungewissheiten der gegenwärtigen und zukünftigen ökonomischen und sozialen Entwicklung in einer globalisierten Weltgesellschaft beeinflussen auch Bildung und Erziehung und die institutionalisierten Formen des Lernens. Das Bildungswesen kann heute seinen Teilnehmern nicht mehr per se eine stabile soziale und berufliche Integration garantieren. Mit der Erosion von "Normalbiographien" und "Normalarbeitsverhältnissen" gewinnt auch der Begriff des Lernens neue Bedeutungen: Lernen erster, zweiter und dritter Ordnung und "lebenslanges Lernen" werden in wissensbasierten Gesellschaft zum erstrangigen Produktionsfaktor. Der vorliegende Beitrag untersucht vor diesem Hintergrund, wie Jugendliche und junge Erwachsene Lernbiographien kumulieren und wie sie eine reflexive Einstellung zu ihrer Lernkarriere und ihren Lernfähigkeiten entwickeln. In fünf europäischen Ländern werden im Rahmen des YOYO-Projekts zur Untersuchung der Transition von Jugendlichen "Trendsetter" in qualitativen Interviews dazu befragt, wie sie ihre "Lernkarriere" planen und wie sie sich die Entwicklung sozialer Kompetenzen vorstellen und wünschen. (ICA). Die Untersuchung bezieht sich auf den Zeitraum 2001 bis 2004.

As neoinstitutionalism gained a foothold in economics, as did rational choice theory in sociology, during the late 1970s & early 1980s, a closer relationship between the two disciplines began to develop. A competence-based view of the firm that attempts to synthesize transaction cost theory & evolutionary theory is presented to illustrate how economists & sociologists might learn even more from one another. How Philip Selznick's (1957) sociological theory of leadership -- particularly his criticism of the adaptationist paradigm in organizational theory -- may help clarify some of the conceptual problems remaining in a competence-based view of the firm is also discussed. 1 Table. M. Maguire

Fast vierzigjährige empirische Forschungen zu geschlechtsspezifischen Unterschieden zeigen, das die politischen Orientierungen und Interessen weiblicher Jugendlicher weniger ausgeprägt sind als die ihrer männlichen Altersgenossen. So konnte die Geschlechtsrolle mit dem Stereotyp des "unpolitischen Mädchens" belegt werden. Andererseits weist die Mehrzahl der gleichen Studien nach, dass Mädchen ein stärkeres Interesse an sozialen, ökologischen und friedenspolitischen Fragen zeigen. Auch ist ihre Bereitschaft zu sozialen Engagement und zur Teilnahme an gewaltfreien Demonstrationen höher. Die vorliegende Beitrag versucht durch eine eigene empirische Studie diese zum Teil widersprüchlichen Befunde zu erklären. Leitende Hypothese ist hier: Geschlechtspezifische Unterschiede in der politischen und zivilen Identität können dadurch erklärt werden, dass sich Jungen bei politischen Machtfragen kompetenter fühlen, während Mädchen sich stärker an prosozialen und gleichheitsbetonenden Aspekten orientieren. Die Ergebnisse der empirischen Studie bestätigen diese Hypothese und geben gleichzeitig einige Hinweise darauf, dass die auf der Makroebene des politischen Systems bestehenden Ungleichheiten bei den "offiziellen" Positionen mit großer Wahrscheinlichkeit auf Sozialisationseffekte zurückzuführen sind. (ICA). Die Untersuchung enthält quantitative Daten. Die Untersuchung bezieht sich auf den Zeitraum 1998 bis 1998.;;;The aim of the present study is to look for basic gender differences in adolescent political and civic identity and to make some suggestions, based on the empirical data of our own study, as to how these gender differences can be explained. The main hypothesis is: Gender differences in political and civic identity could be explained by the fact, that males feel politically more competent, whereas females are strongly oriented towards pro-social and egalitarian aspects. Before these hypotheses can be tested, a short overview of theory and the empirical findings reported in the relevant literature should be given in order to organize the field of gender differences in political and civic orientations. In the end some consequences with regard to citizenship education will be discussed. (DIPF/orig.).

[The author presents] the CIVICs model, a transcurricular approach aiming at the development of student's citizenship competence in schools. The model is based on the assumption that in order to develop into active citizens students need to be able to actively experience and to reflect upon democratic action in schools. The model rests on two pillars: "democratic forms of communication in the school" on the one hand and "students taking over responsibility in their school and community" on the other. These modular settings are supposed to enable students to develop democratic competence by means of action and reflection, beginning in primary education and ending with to the competition of secondary education. (DIPF/orig.).

The chapter describe the development of political education and political didactics in schools, showing it to be a process of increasing professionalization having grown resulted from various political influences. The beginnings of political didactics and the school subject of politics are presented. This is followed by a description of the phase of professionalization of political didactics and teacher education through the establishment of chairs of political didactics at institutes of political science. The next section traces the politicization and depoliticization of didactics and of the teaching of politics. Then the didactic moves to a variety of new normative questions. The current situation is characterized by a new phenomenon - the start of a theoretical development. The different theoretical considerations on the subject-specific competences of teachers and pupils are discussed. In addition, the first systematically collected empirical findings on theoretically postulated dimensions of competence are presented.

Nach einer Klärung von Grundannahmen der Expertiseforschung, insbesondere in Abgrenzung und Ergänzung zur Begabungsforschung, werden drei Ebenen unterschieden, auf denen Expertiseentwicklung beschrieben werden kann: Individuelle Mikroprozesse, individuelle Makroprozesse und Veränderung der Position in Netzwerken. Darauf aufbauend wird ein Modell der Handlungskompetenz vorgestellt, dem zufolge Experten anderen Personen in viererlei Hinsicht überlegen sind, nämlich bezüglich kognitiver Strukturen (Gedächtnis und Wissen), kognitiver Prozesse (Problemlösen und Entscheiden), Routinen sowie des sozialen Kontextes (Communities of Experts). Es wird aufgezeigt, dass es eine wichtige Konsequenz dieses Modells bezüglich der Förderung von Handlungskompetenz ist, dass individuelle und organisationale Faktoren dabei zusammenspielen müssen, zur theoriegeleiteten Reflexion professioneller Praxis anzuregen. (DIPF/Orig.).;;;First basic assumptions of research on expertise are addressed, in particular in its relation to research on giftedness. It is then argued that three levels should be distinguished on which development of expertise can be described: individual micro processes, individual macro processes, and change of an individual's position within (professional) networks. Accordingly, a model of action competence is presented which differentiates experts' superiority into four components: superiority in cognitive structures (memory, knowledge), superiority in cognitive processes (problem-solving, decision-making), superiority in routines, and superiority in social context (communities of experts). An important consequence is derived from this model with respect to instructional use. Fostering the acquisition of action competence requires the interplay of individual and organisational factors in order to promote theory-driven reflection of professional practice. (DIPF/Orig.).

"The subsequent chapter by Camille Kelbel considers the extent to which the principle of solidarity has been applied to the field of energy and how the Commission has contributed to its development. Although the Lisbon Treaty strengthened the principle of solidarity and introduced energy policy as a shared competence, 'energy solidarity remains largely an empty letter in the absence of political leadership of the Commission'. Kelbel attributes this to the technical quality of energy policy as well as its cross-cutting nature that intersects politically sensitive policies related to the internal market and external relations." (contract)

The role of status in the study of religious elite is examined through analysis of the Anglican clergy. Such study has been dominated by a one-dimensional model of occupational prestige that emphasizes status inconsistency & places researchers in a deferential relationship with their Ss, often impeding gaining access & establishing rapport. Reconceptualization of prestige in a more fluid way -- one that emphasizes the commonalities of values, objectives, occupational culture, & professional competence among social scientists & the clergy -- facilitates the establishment of equal status between research & S & results in more open communication & collection of more accurate ethnographic information. 22 References. D. Generoli

Article 8 of the European Community (EC) Treaty defines EC citizens in economic terms, but laws providing for the free movement of persons between member states suggest that EC citizens might also have certain social rights. After outlining these limited social rights, the troubling question about the legal basis for EC social policies is addressed. How a broader interpretation of the principle of equal treatment, as provided in Article 6 of the EC Treaty, might expand the substantive content of EC citizenship is also discussed, as are the potential consequences of any extension of EC competence in the social field. M. Maguire

Explores why the distinctive form of European constitutional federalism articulates not only its most unique political strength but also its most profound values. A formal constitution is not an efficacious redress to other challenges such as the matter of competences. An anecdote concerning submission, virtue & obedience, & emancipation is followed by a normative analysis of the European constitutional structure. In particular, the concept & praxis of tolerance, which undergirds European constitutionalism, is examined. The distinction between European & "non-European" is inescapable, determined at least by numbers. But just as in the realm of high politics integration has shaped a different norm of intergovernmental relations, so can it shape a different mode of public relations with aliens under the present form of constitutional federation. K. Coddon

"This article analyses the emergence of new modes of governance in EU social and employment policy since the beginning of the 1990s. Developments in two directions are shown: As far as negative integration is concerned, supranational centralisation has gained importance. In contrast, positive integration is increasingly characterised by 'soft', co-operative modes of governance. If governments fail to reach a consensus on the transfer of competences to the European level, they increasingly resort to nonbinding instruments. In particular with regard to Social Dialogue a `twofold voluntarism' - on the level of procedures and contents - emerges. Taking both developments into account, we neither find evidence that hierarchy as a relevant mode of EU governance vanishes, nor do we detect a convergence of governance modes in different policy fields." (Author's abstract, IAB-Doku) ((en))