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Las familias han sido y son un tema de debate en la criminología y la sociología del delito en lo relativo a su influencia directa y/o indirecta en las infracciones que cometen los adolescentes. El presente artículo se inserta en este debate analizando historias familiares de adolescentes en conflicto con la ley en la Ciudad de México. El objetivo no es culpabilizar ni mostrar la cuota de responsabilidad familiar en los ilícitos, sino dar cuenta del contexto familiar que hace posible el "proceso de orillamiento" de los adolescentes a tener una mayor exposición al riesgo de cometer una infracción. El artículo busca dar cuenta de la incidencia de la familia en la infracción de los adolescentes y realizar una crítica al proceso judicial en lo referente a la activación de la paradoja de la familia como origen y destino.

The new social-psychology area of collective memory utilizes models from both sociology & psychology. In this synthesis, memory operates from three perspectives -- those of the present directed to the past, of the past directed to the present, & of the conflict between the past & present. Mass catastrophes produce mass memories that operate under these perspectives. The recent trial of Klaus Barbie, the German commander at Lyon, France, 1942-1944, brought into focus mass memory, the conflict between history & memory, the educative goals of the memory process & its place in practice, & the ethical aspect of the defense of a memory (remembering injustice so that lessons can be transmitted to the next generation). A set of mechanisms unique to a psychology of the masses, used appropriately, permits the defense of moral conscience & the maintenance of collective memory of oppression. 21 References. Adapted from the source document.

The framework of linguistic intergroup bias is used to understand the interplay language use & cognitive biases in political conflicts. The hypothesis that desirable ingroup & undesirable outgroup behaviors are described in more abstract terms than undesirable ingroup behavior & desirable outgroup behavior was tested using G. Semin & K. Fiedler's (1988) categorical linguistic model in two studies of political conflict. In the first, 123 subjects from two opposing social movements -- 63 from Coordination de Gesto por la Paz(Coordinated Action for Peace [CGP]) & 60 from Herri Batasuna (supporting Basque independence) -- described the behaviors of models pictured wearing either CGP or Basque independence symbols. In the second study, the descriptions of victim & aggressor in a nationalist & nonnationalist murder in editorials of two nationalist -- Elgin & Deia -- & two nonnationalist -- Diario Vasco & ABC -- newspapers were analyzed. In both cases, with ANOVAs & qualitative analysis, respectively, the hypothesis was confirmed. 4 Tables, 22 References. Adapted from the source document.

Did the social changes of 1989/90, both on the territory of the former Yugoslavia & the entire Eastern Europe, surprise political analysts? Or did the research in social sciences, particularly political science, sociology, & psychology, perhaps supply enough material pointing to the possible changes as well as to the course they were going to take? In this work, the author gives a critical review of his studies conducted & published between 1980 & 1990 &, by hindsight, shows their relevance for understanding the recent radical & dramatic changes. Inevitably, the conclusion is that the author's research had pointed to the existence of all psychological conditions necessary for the events that followed. The long crisis, first economic & later political, gave rise to social unrest, which soon turned into general agitation. The powerful presence of the authoritarian structure of personality in these territories, the enduring xenophobia that, in combination with the appropriate ideological manipulation, easily leads to open inter-ethnic conflicts, the lack of both an adequate political culture & the democratic mechanisms of overcoming conflicts, within the context of decrepitude of an ideological project in a multiethnic community rife with historical conflicts, inevitably led into open conflicts. 5 Tables, 2 Figures, 15 References. Adapted from the source document.

In 2013, both the central government and the provinces faced growing fiscal pressures. Although the relative worsening of some economic indicators affected the votes received by the ruling party in the legislative elections, this did not substantially alter the composition of seats in Congress. The President could put forward her legislative agenda with this legislative support. However, the positive image of the president eroded in public opinion polls. Facing fiscal pressures and a relatively weakened president, governors deepened their coordination efforts against the central government. As a result, one of the central features of Argentine politics in 2013 was the intensification of the conflict between the president (a primus) and the governors (her peers). Adapted from the source document.

Drawing from identity theory & the frustration-aggression hypothesis, the intrapsychic, interpersonal, & collective levels of social thresholds at the outbreak & end of wartime are analyzed, introducing the concept of "wargasm," a phenomenon characterized by socially sanctioned & politically violent emotions directed against internal & external enemies. At the outbreak of war, psychopaths, sociopaths, & other social outcasts experience happiness as the focus shifts away from their personal problems. Formal rhetoric creates a different mental state in the population. At the end of war, in the transition to peace, boredom & unfulfilled expectations may trigger a snowball effect threatening public order. The success of those wishing to maintain the wartime status quo depends on the political management of intergroup conflicts, distress, & economic circumstances. The British-Argentinian conflict over the Falkland Islands in 1982 illustrates the wargasm process. 47 References. Adapted from the source document.

Dentro del marco del proceso de paz en Colombia existen una gran cantidad de interrogantes que afectan a la sociedad colombiana, sin embargo uno de los elementos que no han sido tenidos en cuenta de forma directa son los efectos producidos durante los últimos 60 años sobre la configuración de la familia, esta situación será estudiada dentro del proyecto de investigación "familia, victimas y justicia transicional". Este texto intenta una revisión histórica-holística al concepto de Familia, sus cambios al cabo de la historia, por un lado, luego, compara la familia tradicional cristiana, su conflicto con el mundo moderno, su composición dentro de la modernidad para luego planear dicho concepto y concepción de cara al contexto de violencia política, social y armada que ha vivido Colombia, para cerrar con una reflexión en tono al cómo, estas configuraciones, afectan o no, los abordajes y desarrollos de la posible aplicación de la justicia transicional.

Analyses of Colombia's internal conflict have focused upon armed actors, the state, the political and economic implications ofthe war, and its international projection, while prívate actors and non-combatants have received scant attention. This article not only refers to the behavior ofthe prívate sector and the ways in which it has been affected by the conflict, but also discusses this sector as a definitive agent of conflict resolution. However, the author also highlights the heterogeneity of both the prívate sector and its reactions to conflict, leading her to discuss the dijficulties of conceptualizing il as a unitary, proactive participant in the construction of peace.

During Ronald Reagan's, George H. W. Bush's & William Clinton's terms of office a particular policy of State toward Latin America took shape in the United States. It was interrupted under George W. Bush & reappears with Barack Obama. Bearing in mind that the concept of policy of State is empirical, we can see the duration & reappearance of the fundamental traits of the United States government's behavior toward Latin America under different presidents from both political parties. Eight topics are studied: protection of human rights & defense of democracy; promotion of free trade; benevolent policy toward legal immigration; strengthening multilateral agencies; pacification in Central America; readiness to resort to the use of military force & other coercive measures; simultaneous cooperation & conflict with Cuba; & militarization of drug trafficking policy. Adapted from the source document.

Four main features characterize socio-political events in Costa Rica during 2013 and early 2014. First, voters cast their votes in presidential and legislative elections held under the most adverse political context since the restoration of electoral democracy in 1953. Three aspects characterize this context: popular support to the political regime is in decline, the longest period of social protests, and high instability in the cabinet. Second, Congress has ignored the recommendations offered by a Presidential Commission in democratic governability. Third, in judicial politics, overcrowded prisons became an important issue that put a lot of pressure in both the Judiciary and the Executive. Finally, the territorial conflict with Nicaragua dominates foreign affairs. Adapted from the source document.

The 8 articles in this volume, summarized here, explore the antecedents, events, programs, & actors of Ernesto Zedillo's presidential term in Mexico, the last term of the long-lived Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI) in Mexico. They include discussion of political party affiliation & voting behavior, the difficult relationship of Zedillo with the PRI, the platform & strategies of the parties opposing the PRI, the results of programs instituted by Zedillo (the North American Free Trade Agreement & the modernization of public administration), unionism, & conflict between the EZLN & the government. M. Pflum

The paper analyzes the influence of familial "political biographies" during WWII on party preferences. The survey has shown that about 50% of its subjects have a single-track political biography (they belonged to either the partisan movement (NOB) or the army of the Independent Croatian State (NDH). The individuals whose political biography is NOB-inclined have a markedly more negative attitude towards the Croatian state of WWII & Ante Pavelie, positively assess Josip Broz Tito, are less religious & prefer leftist parties. The individuals who have the NDH biography have a positive opinion of the Croatian state during WWII & Ante Pavelie, negatively assess Josip Broz, are much more religious, & vote for the parties of the Right. The individuals whose families did not get involved in the conflict, or whose families have a "mixed" political biography, are moderately religious & largely vote for centrist parties. Besides the political biography factor, the degree of religiosity has proved an extremely important factor in the choice of political parties. 15 Tables, 6 Figures, 9 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the process of democratization of international relations & the future configuration of international order following the end of the era of bipolar confrontation & the establishment of cooperation in a world that has witnessed changes in the key actors' roles regarding their approach to the resolution of the post-Cold-War crises that jeopardize the world's peace & stability. First, the author provides a short outline of the genesis of the evolution of US foreign policy, from the end of WWII to the beginning of the Cold War & the formation of NATO. He points out that today's agenda of the international order, its structures, interventionism, & use of force in achieving political objectives, were already shaped at that time. The suggestions put forward constituted the framework & foundation for world politics until the late 1980s; the cumulative effect of these responses on today's attempts at solving post-Cold-War crises enables us to evaluate the roles & behavior of individual actors in the resolution of the Kosovo crisis. The maintenance of peace & stability in the post-Cold-War world in the circumstances of cooperation & partnership requires an appropriate approach & manner of resolving the crises triggered off by the collapse of communist federations. Imperial policies & regimes must be eliminated, while the processes of geopolitical consolidation & the creation of independent & sovereign states in Central & Eastern Europe (& in Euro-Asia on the whole), built around democratic & market principles, must be wrapped up. The new political leaders (mostly leftist) in the countries that for 50+ years (& now through the Kosovo crisis) have been developing the transatlantic alliance within the military-political framework of NATO (based on the same values, principles, & goals), are now developing appropriate strategies for the post-Cold-War hotspots (based on cumulative experience). 25 References. Adapted from the source document.

An analysis of US foreign policy strategy shows that a more intensive advocacy of human rights & democracy is usually characteristic of Democratic Party presidents & their administrations. The numerous challenges of the new world order that Bill Clinton, the first Democratic president born after WWII, was faced with required the redefinition of the role, goals, & interests of the sole remaining superpower in the new international community. The promotion of democracy & liberal market values & the protection of universal human rights were the guidelines for Clinton administration's foreign policy during both of his mandates. Due to the specific features & intensity of geopolitical changes, which resulted in armed conflicts in Southeastern Europe, the consequence of the American policy toward the newly created countries (the so-called young democracies on the Old Continent, including the new Russia) was that the first NATO military "out of area" campaign on Kosovo was justified as an attempt to stem the flood of refugees & to put an end to the violation of ethnic & other human rights. Since the US has announced its intention to intervene when & if (& based on their interests) they deem that basic human rights & democratic values are violated, it can be said that a new pattern of behavior has emerged that would have to be adopted by the other members of the new world order as well. 21 References. Adapted from the source document.