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Is a philosophically directed discussion a mean to manage conflicts ? This is the question that arises from a class bogged down in conflicts and acts of violence. The choice of the philosophically directed discussion came and three working hypothesis were elaborated : how does the philosophically directed discussion make it possible to verbalize emotions and feelings, and to develop habits of discussion ? How does the philosophically directed discussion influence on moral judgement and impact on the representations of the pupils on the basis of socio-cognitive conflicts ? How does the philosophically directed discussion develop cooperation among peers ? The interest is twofold : to ensure the speaking by the respect of democratic rules, and the development of thought by the respect of intellectual requirements. The results of the hypothesis have to be qualified because there are both benefits and limits. The philosophically directed discussion has to be established in the longterm. The construction of a moral and politic independance is not spontaneous. ; La discussion à visée philosophique est-elle un moyen de gestion des conflits ? Telle est la question qui s'est posée face à une classe embourbée dans des conflits et des actes de violences. Le choix de la DVP où trois hypothèses de travail ont été élaborées : comment la DVP apprend à verbaliser ses émotions et ses ressentis et à développer des habitudes de discussions ? Comment la DVP influe sur le jugement moral et modifie les représentations des élèves à partir des conflits socio-cognitifs ? Comment la DVP développe la coopération entre pairs ? L'intérêt de la DVP est double : assurer la parole par le respect de règles démocratiques et le développement de la pensée par le respect d'exigences intellectuelles. Les résultats des hypothèses sont à nuancer car ils comportent à la fois des bénéfices et des limites. La contrainte de la DVP afin d'avoir un impact durable est de s'instaurer sur le long terme. La construction d'une autonomie morale et politique n'est pas spontanée.

Is a philosophically directed discussion a mean to manage conflicts ? This is the question that arises from a class bogged down in conflicts and acts of violence. The choice of the philosophically directed discussion came and three working hypothesis were elaborated : how does the philosophically directed discussion make it possible to verbalize emotions and feelings, and to develop habits of discussion ? How does the philosophically directed discussion influence on moral judgement and impact on the representations of the pupils on the basis of socio-cognitive conflicts ? How does the philosophically directed discussion develop cooperation among peers ? The interest is twofold : to ensure the speaking by the respect of democratic rules, and the development of thought by the respect of intellectual requirements. The results of the hypothesis have to be qualified because there are both benefits and limits. The philosophically directed discussion has to be established in the longterm. The construction of a moral and politic independance is not spontaneous. ; La discussion à visée philosophique est-elle un moyen de gestion des conflits ? Telle est la question qui s'est posée face à une classe embourbée dans des conflits et des actes de violences. Le choix de la DVP où trois hypothèses de travail ont été élaborées : comment la DVP apprend à verbaliser ses émotions et ses ressentis et à développer des habitudes de discussions ? Comment la DVP influe sur le jugement moral et modifie les représentations des élèves à partir des conflits socio-cognitifs ? Comment la DVP développe la coopération entre pairs ? L'intérêt de la DVP est double : assurer la parole par le respect de règles démocratiques et le développement de la pensée par le respect d'exigences intellectuelles. Les résultats des hypothèses sont à nuancer car ils comportent à la fois des bénéfices et des limites. La contrainte de la DVP afin d'avoir un impact durable est de s'instaurer sur le long terme. La construction d'une autonomie morale et politique n'est pas spontanée.

This paper raises the question of a policy for conflict in the making for the EU : the European Defense and Security Policy. After a brief presentation of our analytical method, we structure the paper in three axes. First, where does ESDP come from and what are its main objectives ? Then, what is European specificity in developing specific crisis management tools, and how do theses tool work and socialize the diplomatic and politico-military actors involved ? Last but not least, how does ESDP interplay between Brussels and the member states ? What does ESDP change for them, and what are its obvious and more pregnant limits up to now? ESDP constitutes a way for the Europeans to exit the world order of the Cold War and aims at providing the EU with a median way of crisis and conflict management between the approaches developed by traditional international organizations as NATO, the UNO or the OSCE. ESDP incarnates also the commitment of the three leading countries in defense and security matters in Europe –France, Great Britain and Germany- to overcome the shock of the Balkans crisis where Europe had been characterized by its division and inability to act effectively to solve the conflict. Therefore the member states had built specific organs, tools and procedures in the framework of ESDP. The originality and added value of the EU with its crisis management policy as the heart of ESDP is to propose an integrated approach combining military and civilian instruments. This however raises several fundamental questions. ESDP still lacks cross-pillar coherence, particularly regarding the financing of ESDP operations. This also raises the question of the interplay between Brussels and the member states: deploying troops is still a national sovereign decision and EU states keep on analyzing situations in the light of their national security interest. Yet ESDP combined with the new trends in military socialization since the 80's constitute a strong incentive to reform both the armies and military education. Thus ESDP seems ...

This paper raises the question of a policy for conflict in the making for the EU : the European Defense and Security Policy. After a brief presentation of our analytical method, we structure the paper in three axes. First, where does ESDP come from and what are its main objectives ? Then, what is European specificity in developing specific crisis management tools, and how do theses tool work and socialize the diplomatic and politico-military actors involved ? Last but not least, how does ESDP interplay between Brussels and the member states ? What does ESDP change for them, and what are its obvious and more pregnant limits up to now? ESDP constitutes a way for the Europeans to exit the world order of the Cold War and aims at providing the EU with a median way of crisis and conflict management between the approaches developed by traditional international organizations as NATO, the UNO or the OSCE. ESDP incarnates also the commitment of the three leading countries in defense and security matters in Europe –France, Great Britain and Germany- to overcome the shock of the Balkans crisis where Europe had been characterized by its division and inability to act effectively to solve the conflict. Therefore the member states had built specific organs, tools and procedures in the framework of ESDP. The originality and added value of the EU with its crisis management policy as the heart of ESDP is to propose an integrated approach combining military and civilian instruments. This however raises several fundamental questions. ESDP still lacks cross-pillar coherence, particularly regarding the financing of ESDP operations. This also raises the question of the interplay between Brussels and the member states: deploying troops is still a national sovereign decision and EU states keep on analyzing situations in the light of their national security interest. Yet ESDP combined with the new trends in military socialization since the 80's constitute a strong incentive to reform both the armies and military education. Thus ESDP seems ...

This paper raises the question of a policy for conflict in the making for the EU : the European Defense and Security Policy. After a brief presentation of our analytical method, we structure the paper in three axes. First, where does ESDP come from and what are its main objectives ? Then, what is European specificity in developing specific crisis management tools, and how do theses tool work and socialize the diplomatic and politico-military actors involved ? Last but not least, how does ESDP interplay between Brussels and the member states ? What does ESDP change for them, and what are its obvious and more pregnant limits up to now? ESDP constitutes a way for the Europeans to exit the world order of the Cold War and aims at providing the EU with a median way of crisis and conflict management between the approaches developed by traditional international organizations as NATO, the UNO or the OSCE. ESDP incarnates also the commitment of the three leading countries in defense and security matters in Europe –France, Great Britain and Germany- to overcome the shock of the Balkans crisis where Europe had been characterized by its division and inability to act effectively to solve the conflict. Therefore the member states had built specific organs, tools and procedures in the framework of ESDP. The originality and added value of the EU with its crisis management policy as the heart of ESDP is to propose an integrated approach combining military and civilian instruments. This however raises several fundamental questions. ESDP still lacks cross-pillar coherence, particularly regarding the financing of ESDP operations. This also raises the question of the interplay between Brussels and the member states: deploying troops is still a national sovereign decision and EU states keep on analyzing situations in the light of their national security interest. Yet ESDP combined with the new trends in military socialization since the 80's constitute a strong incentive to reform both the armies and military education. Thus ESDP seems ...

National audience ; In Europe, and in the Mediterranean area, large predators' populations (such as bear, wolf, lynx, or birds of prey) either disappeared or greatly regressed during the 19th and first part of 20th century due to their eradication. Their reappearance, as a result either of conservation of remainder populations, spontaneous migrations or active reintroduction, and their protection under the Bern Convention framework, has repercussions on wildlife as well as on human activities. On one hand, large predators contribute to the balance of the ecosystem by their place in the trophic chain and the regulation of the demography of other species, as well as they may enhance the attractiveness of the region. On the other hand, they may be perceived as direct threats by the population, as competitors by the hunters, or as predators of the livestock by the farmers, and particularly by sheep and goat breeders, the consequences on the livestock varying depending on the local context and sheepherding techniques. This situation results in conflicts between the different stakeholders, which are often unresolved. This paper examines the underlying values (well-being, autonomy, justice) supported by the different stakeholders (small ruminants, breeders, rural population, hunters, ecologists, urban population, authorities, ecosystem, predators), on the basis of an ethical matrix, and explores ways of resolving these conflicts on the basis of the discussion ethics praised by Habermas. ; En Europe et dans le bassin méditerranéen, les populations de grands prédateurs (ours, loup, lynx ou oiseaux de proie) ont soit disparu, soit fortement régressé durant le 19ème ou la première moitié du 20ème siècle du fait de leur éradication. Leur réapparition, due à une politique de conservation, à des migrations spontanées ou à une réintroduction active, et leur protection dans le cadre de la Convention de Berne, ont des répercussions sur la faune sauvage ainsi que sur les activités humaines. Les grands prédateurs contribuent à ...

National audience ; In Europe, and in the Mediterranean area, large predators' populations (such as bear, wolf, lynx, or birds of prey) either disappeared or greatly regressed during the 19th and first part of 20th century due to their eradication. Their reappearance, as a result either of conservation of remainder populations, spontaneous migrations or active reintroduction, and their protection under the Bern Convention framework, has repercussions on wildlife as well as on human activities. On one hand, large predators contribute to the balance of the ecosystem by their place in the trophic chain and the regulation of the demography of other species, as well as they may enhance the attractiveness of the region. On the other hand, they may be perceived as direct threats by the population, as competitors by the hunters, or as predators of the livestock by the farmers, and particularly by sheep and goat breeders, the consequences on the livestock varying depending on the local context and sheepherding techniques. This situation results in conflicts between the different stakeholders, which are often unresolved. This paper examines the underlying values (well-being, autonomy, justice) supported by the different stakeholders (small ruminants, breeders, rural population, hunters, ecologists, urban population, authorities, ecosystem, predators), on the basis of an ethical matrix, and explores ways of resolving these conflicts on the basis of the discussion ethics praised by Habermas. ; En Europe et dans le bassin méditerranéen, les populations de grands prédateurs (ours, loup, lynx ou oiseaux de proie) ont soit disparu, soit fortement régressé durant le 19ème ou la première moitié du 20ème siècle du fait de leur éradication. Leur réapparition, due à une politique de conservation, à des migrations spontanées ou à une réintroduction active, et leur protection dans le cadre de la Convention de Berne, ont des répercussions sur la faune sauvage ainsi que sur les activités humaines. Les grands prédateurs contribuent à ...

In Europe, and in the Mediterranean area, large predators' populations (such as bear, wolf, lynx, or birds of prey) either disappeared or greatly regressed during the 19th and first part of 20th century due to their eradication. Their reappearance, as a result either of conservation of remainder populations, spontaneous migrations or active reintroduction, and their protection under the Bern Convention framework, has repercussions on wildlife as well as on human activities. On one hand, large predators contribute to the balance of the ecosystem by their place in the trophic chain and the regulation of the demography of other species, as well as they may enhance the attractiveness of the region. On the other hand, they may be perceived as direct threats by the population, as competitors by the hunters, or as predators of the livestock by the farmers, and particularly by sheep and goat breeders, the consequences on the livestock varying depending on the local context and sheepherding techniques. This situation results in conflicts between the different stakeholders, which are often unresolved. This paper examines the underlying values (well-being, autonomy, justice) supported by the different stakeholders (small ruminants, breeders, rural population, hunters, ecologists, urban population, authorities, ecosystem, predators), on the basis of an ethical matrix, and explores ways of resolving these conflicts on the basis of the discussion ethics praised by Habermas. ; National audience En Europe et dans le bassin méditerranéen, les populations de grands prédateurs (ours, loup, lynx ou oiseaux de proie) ont soit disparu, soit fortement régressé durant le 19ème ou la première moitié du 20ème siècle du fait de leur éradication. Leur réapparition, due à une politique de conservation, à des migrations spontanées ou à une réintroduction active, et leur protection dans le cadre de la Convention de Berne, ont des répercussions sur la faune sauvage ainsi que sur les activités humaines. Les grands prédateurs contribuent à ...

Preliminary Material /W. Kälin , R. Kolb , C. Spenlé and M. Voyame -- I. Secession - A Legal Approach /Marcelo G. Kohen -- II. L'articulation du droit international humanitaire et des droits économiques, sociaux et culturels en temps d'occupation /Sylvain Vité -- III. Le conseil de sécurité face à la protection des civils dans les conflits armés /Gloria Gaggioli and Robert Kolb -- IV. 'Extraordinary Renditions', Diplomatic Assurances And The Principle Of Non-Refoulement /Manfred Nowak -- V. Actes de gouvernement et droits de l'homme: L'affaire Marković /Lucius Caflisch -- VI. Filling The Gaps - Contributions By The Human Rights Committee To The Fight Against Torture /Walter Kälin -- VII. Combating Racism - A Call For Justice /Daniel Thürer and Lorenz Langer -- VIII. The Principle Of Non-Discrimination In The International Covenant On Economic, Social And Cultural Rights /Barbara Wilson -- IX. Inclusion And Exclusion. The Difference In The Notion Of 'National' In The Framework Of Minority Rights Regimes /Maurice D. Voyame -- X. Quinze ans d'une nouvelle dynamique contre le racisme et en faveur de la protection des minorités en Europe par /Doris Angst -- XI. Killings By Law Enforcement Officials: The International Human Rights Legal Framework /Philip Alston and William Abresch -- XII. From Commission On Human Rights To Human Rights Council: Itinerary Of A Reform Process /Eric Tistounet -- XIII. The Weakness Of The Present System Of Treaty Monitoring and The Discussion Of Reform In General /Christoph A. Spenlé and Gian C. Stäubli -- XIV. L'Amnistie entre l'exigence de justice et l'indispensable réconciliation: Lorsque les armes se taisent, que faire des crimes qui ont étécommis à l'occasion d'un conflit armé? /François Bugnion -- XV. Islands Of Excellence In Oceans Of Apathy - Why Are We Better At Saving Lives Than At Improving Them? /Patrick Webb -- XVI. A Holistic Approach For Promoting The Rule Of Law /Josef Bucher -- XVII. Just War Concepts - Western And Chinese Perspectives /Nadine Godehardt -- XVIII. Systemic Thinking And Practice In Conflict Transformation /Daniela Körppen , Norbert Ropers and Oliver Wils -- XIX. Conflict Transformation And Constitution Making In Nepal - What Constitutional Mechanisms Are Useful For Resolving Conflict Within A State? /Günther Bächler -- XX. The African Union And Reactions To International Crimes /Djacoba L. Tehindrazanarivelo -- XXI. International Electoral Observation As A Means Of Evaluating Democracy And Promoting Respect For Civil And Political Rights /Gérard Stoudmann and Scott Smith -- XXII. The Emperors Clothes - Critical Reflection On The Disarmament, Demobilization And Reintegration /Robert Muggah -- XXIII. The Influence Of The Kimberly Process On Conflict And Natural Resource Trade In Africa-What Can The UN Do? /Salil Tripathi -- XXIV. Between Peacekeeping And Peacebuilding - International Engagement For Peace In The South Caucasus-Experience Of A UN SRSG /Heidi Tagliavini -- List Of Contributors /W. Kälin , R. Kolb , C. Spenlé and M. Voyame.

On back cover: "Depuis vingt-cinq ans, la médiation a acquis une importance sociale qui la renouvelle complètement. Le foisonnement du terme médiation, s'il reflète le besoin de médiation de nos sociétés, rend urgente une tentative de mise au point pour préciser sa définition, son champ théorique et pratique, ainsi que la problématique de son insertion institutionnelle dans une société qu'elle reflète et qu'elle peut modifier. La première partie de cet ouvrage propose un inventaire non sélectif des expériences se réclamant, même abusivement, de la médiation. La seconde partie définit la médiation et fait le point sur ses références et son régime juridique.