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To understand the depth of transformations in all spheres of society generated by
migration, new terminology is needed. The notion of "postmigrant societies" implies that the
distinction between local and migrant population loses its relevance in certain social spheres.
According to the familiar epistemological framework, societies are presented as consisting of
"local population" on the one hand, and "migrant population" on the other. This understanding,
however, is becoming obsolete. First, it does not reflect the fact that the phenomenon of spatial
mobility is embedded in the social structure. A significant part of the so-called local population
is itself included in migration processes. People who are considered to be part of the
"autochthonous population" are in fact migrants themselves due to different circumstances
(contract work, long-term stay in another country due to studies, involvement in joint business
projects, participation in international scientific teams, availability of real estate abroad, etc.). At
the same time, those people who are regarded as "migrants" by common sense can be well
integrated into the social institutions of their new homeland. Second, the traditional
epistemological framework does not reflect contemporary demographic trends. It is unable to
capture two points: (a) population rotation within the framework of circular/pendulum migration;
(b) qualitative change in the urban population of industrialized countries.

The aim of the study is to examine the activities of professional academic associations in the U.S., which are close to the memory institutions in Europe. The author examines the role of professional associations as memory institutions in the development of memorial culture through the representation of the past in contemporary politics, its reflection in public and public spaces of American society. The novelty of the study lies in the comparison of institutions that determine the main vectors and trajectories of historical policy as memory policy in the United States. The article analyses the problems of the activities of institutionalized actors of collective memory policy in the U.S., including the American Historical Association, the Organization of American Historians and the Southern Historical Association. It hypothesizes that these groups can shape civil society versions of collective memory as alternatives to politically motivated use of the past by political elites. The article deals with the institutional and formal features of historical politics in the United States, the participation of historical associations in memorial conflicts and "memory wars", issues of politicization of history and the academic community's attempts at forming a canon of historical collective memory which is formally free from ideological influences. The activities of professional historical associations have supposedly been a factor in the development of revisionism in the interpretation of the history of the American South and the Confederate States of America. Therefore, the author considers the role and responsibility of American historians as public intellectuals who shaped compromise versions of memorial culture that contributed to the consolidation of society. The article highlights the contribution of professional historical associations as memory institutions to the development of mnemonic spaces of American society and its memorial culture. It analyses the attempts of American historians to preserve the "purity" of academic research in the context of the growing ideologization and instrumentalization of history by ruling elites. The research results suggest that memory institutions are an important factor in the development of contemporary identities in the United States in the context of revision of the past and the formation of new or alternative memorial canons in American political culture.

The article considers the transformation of basic values, life plans and behavioral strategies of the youth in contemporary Belarus. The changes in basic values are directly connected with the youth's adaptation to the conditions of global instability. The new generation is sensitive to social injustice, violations of rights and freedoms, unwillingness to take into account their opinions on current issues of social development and the future. The self-perception of people regarding the possibility to realize basic values in the current social-economic conditions is an important factor of social stability. In both 1990 and 2018, family holds the first place among the basic values in Belarus; work takes the second place as a factor of decent life and family's success; the importance of friends and leisure remains the same over the decades, while the importance of politics and religion grows. International comparisons show that Belarus has the same hierarchy of values as European countries. The surveys prove a decrease in popularity of the traditional media among the youth and an increase in individualism, importance of personal self-realization in family and at work, and in reliance on one's own forces. In the public space, the needs and expectations of people have changed - there is an increase in political radicalization and critical perception of the most important events, which affects the behavioral patterns of social-demographic groups. Education together with the family and new information technologies have a significant impact on values - there is an intragenerational gap, alienation from society and increasing informatization. The article is based on the results of the sociological surveys conducted in the framework of the European Values Study (EVS) (the results of 1990 and 2018 are compared).

The article is devoted to analysis of youth tourism as a specific socio-cultural formation of the image of the territory, countries in the international youth environment. This is especially true in the context of tourism active interaction of youth, which sets the stage for the development of multidirectional trends in the international stage. The authors refer to the analysis of some aspects of this phenomenon in the context of contemporary international relations, in which there is a clear movement towards the universalization of youth tourism. Today the trend of transition of youth relations and tourism contacts to the area of international politics and public diplomacy is being shaped more and more clearly. For the first time attempt to understand the role of youth tourism as a mechanism of soft power of Russia, allowing it to be used as an in-demand feedback channel with foreign youth, and the role of social and cultural influence on the international space are presented. The authors discuss the problems of formation of image of the country from the point of view of effective use of the potential of having a "protracted" form of development of the Institute for international youth tourism, as a part of foreign cultural policy of Russia. The authors identified the main problematic aspects and factors that characterize a promising role and place of youth tourism as a desired tool of soft power and channels of influence of Russia in the international space.

One of the brand new areas of historiography is analyzed. Availing of the research of historical conscience launched in Germany, the author explores the possibility of applying this new practice to the analysis of Lithuanians' historical conscience. The perspectives, theoretical-methodological objectives & tasks are analyzed. Special attention is drawn to the ideological aspect of a historical conscience & to the problem of "left" & "right" in the Lithuanians' mass conscience during the last decade. A relationship between the "left" & "right" identity & a specific version of the past being defended, an attempt by Lithuania's politicians to manipulate the historical perspectives, a tendency toward mythologization as evident in Lithuania's contemporary historical conscience is emphasized. Adapted from the source document.

The ongoing turbulence in global politics has been accompanied by calls to shift the current order of international relations from a rules-based world towards a multipolar system rooted in international law. Political leaders and commentators, primarily of Russian origin, have often referred to those initiatives as a moral revolution in the current world order. This paper examines the theological and philosophical background behind the ideas that support such a change. The discussion argues that these proposals, though they sound revolutionary, echo the Abrahamic principles of international dialogue drafted by medieval Christian theologians, Reformation thinkers, and Jewish and Islamic religious philosophers. The account stresses that contemporary adherents of the replacement of the rules-based world do not openly refer to religious doctrines. However, the core tenets of the suggested reforms align well with those earlier ethical principles. This conclusion is purely scholarly and contributes to the history of ideas.

Contemporary political science has long been focused less on the policy content than on "polity" & "politics," in particular. In the middle of the last century, many political scientists decided that such a self-restraint poses certain difficulties, deciding to launch discussions on how the social scientists can & should examine policy. Harold Lasswell's 1951 essay "The Policy Orientation" has launched the discussions. Here, Lasswell claimed that policy research should be separated from a traditional research, ie., focusing on theory, the subject & descriptive in terms of the style it pursues. An essay may, beyond doubt, be described as one of the political science's classics. Not because Lasswell in the space he had, managed to think with subtlety & in depth from a theoretical point of view, but for the reason that he clarified the parameters that later became decisive in analyzing the content of what politics is: analysis must focus on problems; it must be multi-subject & clearly normative. Thus, these three parameters become the part of the fundamental criteria the European Association of Public Administration Accreditation, founded in 1999, uses in accrediting European public education systems. In spite of the fact that many had agreed on the requirements Lasswell posed with regard to public policy as the focus of the social sciences, there was still a lack of common understanding on how these requirements should be implement. To the contrary, they have become the object of unresolved vigorous discussions. Some might interpret this as a weakness of policy analysis, yet some would see this as a proof of healthiness, ie., that the public policy analysts develop the subject of their expertise. Adapted from the source document.

The paper explores the epistemic fruitfulness of the contemporary theories of modern relations for historical research about the relations between premodern polities. The author suggests to replace the concepts of "international system" and "international society" by the broader notions of "interpolity system" and that of "interpolity society". It is demonstrated that A. Wendt's thesis that in the premodern times international politics was dominated by the Hobbesian culture of anarchy disregards historical evidence about the "Lockean" realities of the dynastic politics in the medieval Europe and other places. The author also criticise H. Bull's concept of international society because of its assumption that Westphalian peace treaty of 1648 was the date of birth of the international law and international society as historical reality. Paper includes a case study about the changing roles and challenges of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania (GDL) as the subject of interpolity relations in XIII-XV centuries. It focuses on the rise of GDL from the polity playing the role of the barrier (but not that of buffer) polity, separating Central European and Eastern European interpolity systems and belonging to both of them, to the regional empire and suzerain polity of the Eastern European interpolity system by the early XVth century. However, Lithuanian hegemony in Eastern Europe lasted only very few years. After 1430, the Eastern European interpolity system was about to transform itself from the suzerain polity system into a multipolar sovereign interpolity system of the type that consolidated in the Central and Western Europe after 1648 and survived for 300 years. However, the political leadership of GDL failed to meet the challenge to maintain an emerging multipolar balance of power in this system. Adapted from the source document.

One of the achievements of the reflectivist turn in international relations theory in the late 20th century was the attention given to the role of discourse and other ideational factors in international politics. In recent years, however, approaches critical of the discursive emphasis in international studies have emerged, seeking to restore the significance of non-discursive aspects of international relations such as geography, technology, and the non-human. This article offers a perspective on the development of international relations theory from the standpoint of the debate between materialism and idealism. Within this framework, it provides a brief overview of the historical evolution of international relations theory and subsequently delves into a detailed analysis of three strands of the new wave of materialist theorizing in the field - critical realism, new materialism, and neoclassical geopolitics. The article suggests considering the new materialist wave as, on the whole, a positive development, but also points out the necessity of taking into account the risk of "exiling" the human element from international relations research as such concepts proliferate. The possibility of collaboration between reflecivists and post-reflecivists, as well as between idealists and materialists in general, is underlined for the comprehensive study of contemporary international realities.

The current world order is undergoing a profound change in its structure, in the composition of the leading participants, and in the socio-cultural discourse that buttresses the political evolution of international relations. Two factors are essential to understand this process. First, several new states, or groups of states, entered the league of the leading world powers and began to exert a significant influence over global politics. Analysts often consider these players as civilizations, in that many such states aspire to proposing an alternative spiritual, cultural, political, and even economic developmental model. Second, the West and its followers began to experience a significant civilizational transformation at the socio-political and socio-cultural levels, placing such countries at a crossroad that could determine their existential future. Contextual transformations of this magnitude must always deploy ideology to legitimize ongoing political change, because ideology can question the prevailing conventions of the age to reflect fundamental shifts in society. From this point of view, the arrival of civilizations in the contemporary narrative of international relations invariably involves ideological doctrines that legitimize this process. This paper examines the emergent ideology of civilizational discourse, focusing on its central tenets, and discusses the political shifts that such an ideology seeks to justify.

Статья рассматривает изучение англицизмов в современных итальянских медиатекстах, а также их характеристики и прагматический потенциал. Актуальность исследования заключается в проведении когнитивного анализа семантики и прагматики англицизмов и установлении когнитивных и прагматических правил их использования в сообщениях средств массовой информации. Автор изучал архивы трех основных национальных итальянских широкоформатных газет и электронные корпусы английского и итальянского языков, применяя описательный метод, а также сравнительный и стилистический анализ, контекстуальный и прагматический анализ. На основании проведенных исследований был сделан вывод о том, что журналисты используют заимствования для введения новых денотативных значений и для возбуждения определенных эмоций и чувств у потенциальных читателей. Современные итальянские медиатексты передают личное сообщение автора, в котором коннотация и денотат заимствованного термина отличны от коннотации и денотата, принятых в языке-доноре. Основной причиной заимствований в итальянской прессе является тенденция заполнить имеющиеся лакуны иностранными понятиями и тегами. Автор пришел к заключению, что подавляющая часть заимствований относится к сфере политики, экономики, труда, коммерции, информационных технологий, моды, индустрии развлечений, музыки и спорта.
This article considers the study of Anglicisms in contemporary Italian media texts as well as their characteristics and pragmatic potential. The relevance of the research lies in the implementation of cognitive analysis of semantics and pragmatics of Anglicisms and identifying cognitive and pragmatic rules of their use in modern Italian media reports. Having applied descriptive method, comparative and stylistic analyses, contextual and pragmatic analyses, the author attempted to research the archives of three national broadsheet newspapers and web-based English and Italian corpora. Journalists use borrowings for introducing new denotative meanings and evoking certain emotions and feelings of the potential readership. Contemporary Italian media text transmits a personal message of an author that is distinguished from the proper connotation and denotation of a term used in a source language. The principal motives for borrowings' use in the Italian press comprise the tendency to fill the gaps with foreign labels and tags. It was concluded that the majority of the borrowings are attributed to the sphere of politics, economy, labour and commerce, information technologies, fashion, entertainment, music, and sport.

Straipsnyje is viesosios tarnybos susitarimu modelio perspektyvos aptariamos viesojo sektoriaus politizacijos teorines prielaidos ir nagrinejamas sarysis su viesojo sektoriaus vadovu lojalumu politikams. Remiantis siomis izvalgomis aptariami Lietuvos viesajame valdyme istoriskai susikloste egalitariniai, o kai kuriais atvejais ir individualistiniai lojalumo elementai, kuriuos sustiprino fragmentuota sovietine institucine struktura su lygiagrecia personaliniu lojalumu ir neformaliu rysiu tinklu besiremiancia valdymo struktura. Taip pat apzvelgiama siandieninio Lietuvos viesojo valdymo lojalumo sampratos fragmentacija, parodant, kad politiku ir vadovu santykius apibrezti kaip sutarima galima tik tam tikruose sektoriuose, o daugumoje sriciu lojalumo aspekta politikai ir viesuju organizaciju vadovai interpretuoja skirtingai. Tai vyksta nepaisant bandymu institucionalizuoti su istorine tradicija nesisiejancia hierarchine lojalumo struktura This article deals with politicisation of the public sector in Lithuania in the context of ensuring loyalty of high public officials to the politics of the government of the day. The theoretical framework of Public Service Bargains (PSBs) was used in order to analyse historical changes and the contemporary perception of loyalty among politicians and high public officials. From the PSBs perspective a historically dominant egalitarian type of loyalty bargain with some individualistic elements among the ruling elite is discussed. During the Soviet period this type of loyalty bargain was secured by a personal loyalty network based on formal and informal ties. Integration to the EU was a factor that was used by the administrative elite of Lithuania in order to try eliminating most of the instruments ensuring formal loyalty and securing a hierarchical loyalty bargain in a formal and legalistic way without reaching a common understanding with politicians. Today's politico-administrative interaction provides a mixed picture regarding the praxis of loyalty bargain in the Lithuanian public sector. There is some evidence that politicians prefer an egalitarian loyalty bargain and do not recognise a formal hierarchical loyalty setting. This situation could be regarded as cheating on loyalty bargain from both sides that provoke politicians to search for new ways in achieving the loyalty of high public officials to the politics of the incumbent government and exercise politicisation practices for that purpose. Adapted from the source document.

At the turn of the century, the rogue state concept has become an integral part of the theory of international relations. However, even contemporary approaches lack the appropriate academic tools to reach a comprehensive understanding of the international community's role in determining the normative frameworks of the proper behavior of the states as the main actors of international system, leaving the relations between global community and the rogues almost an uncharted territory on the international stage. The article considers the category of rogue states as "excluded" members of the international community through the sociological lens of "stigma" (E. Goffman) and "labelling theory" (H. Becker and E. Lemert). Engaging an empirical case of Iraqi foreign policy during and after the Gulf War 1991, the author demonstrates two thresholds of the labelling state as the rogue: public initiation of the offender and self-fulfilling prophecy. It is possible to define some specific features of the outsider's behavior on the international stage: the high level of cooperation among the representatives of the same category, "unsustainable bravado" as the set of fluid and inconsistent actions of the rogue state in foreign policy, finally, the tendency toward obtaining the "secondary gains". Contrariwise, global community tends to pay greater attention to rogue states and exercise some discrimination practices on the ground of their outcast position in the world normative structure with the category of "wise" actors, for example China, being an exception from the common mainstream and maintaining close cooperation ties with rogues.

The author analyzes the evolution of foreign policy of new Russia, identifies trends and patterns of transition to various courses, prerequisites of the "eastern turn", and characterizes the specificity of this direction in the contemporary realia. The author proposes a number of clarifying concepts within the analysis of the foreign policies of Russia. The foreign policy of Russia for the last decades underwent a number of the changes connected with its orientation to various groups of the countries. However, in connection with the events which took place in 2014, the Russian foreign policy carried out the "eastern turn" that entailed certain consequences and prospects by estimates of experts. The relevance of the research consists in the opportunity to estimate realities of a foreign policy of Russia, to analyse the reasons of its acceptance, possible risks and reaction of the western partners who changed in their turn a course concerning Russia.

Scientific novelty of the present work consists in the systematization of the issue on the evolution of a foreign policy of Russia and the analysis of current trends taking into account the "eastern turn". Besides, scientific definition of "eastern turn of the Russian foreign policy" and its consequence in the conditions of development of modern Russia is worked out. The author considers the main actions and the directions which formed the basis of the updated foreign policy of Russia from 2009 to 2013. The author made the conclusions concerning the analysis of modern Russia's foreign policy and its turn to the east.

In our modern world electoral sociology, which is under constant scrutiny by the general public, as well as members of the media, in many ways shapes the image of sociology as a scientific discipline. Today sociology is often represented by media reports about the results of public opinion polls on the subject of politics and electoral affairs. Meanwhile a certain other trend is apparent: the high expectations imposed on electoral studies, as well as on their verifiability and efficiency, encourage the further development of sociological research and sociology in general. Scientific studies on electoral processes are defined by the convergence of various schools and paradigms of research, which implies an overlapping of different approaches and methods. This article presents the stages of electoral sociology's development, from "straw polls" to contemporary theories of electoral behavior (the straw poll stage, electoral sociology in the 1930's and 1940's, ecological analysis in electoral sociology, the behavioral approach, the sociological theory on electoral behavior, the socio-psychological theory of electoral behavior, the theory of instrumental rationality), which in modern electoral sociology are known as "post-Gallup" theories. The author reveals the main characteristics of each stage of modern electoral sociology's development, while highlighting its achievements and value, and giving a comprehensive analysis of modern theories of electoral behavior, with regards to issues located on the line between political sociology and sociology of law. Among these issues special consideration is given to elections as a political phenomenon, the political culture and political attitudes of the electorate, features of voting systems, political mechanisms and electoral technologies.