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Since the mid-2000s, piracy off the coast of Somalia has posed a serious threat to international shipping and the safety of seafarers. As a seafaring nation, combating Somali piracy quickly became an important security and foreign policy priority for Denmark. This report documents Denmark's recent role in international counterpiracy off the coast of Somalia and examines the challenges and opportunities posed by Danish involvement. The reports offers central points for policy-makers to take into account when planning future participation in international maritime security operations, including other forms of maritime crime such as drug- and weapon-smuggling in the Indian Ocean and human trafficking in the Mediterranean. The report identifies four areas in particular in which Denmark may contribute to maritime security. These areas are aligned with Danish capabilities and interests, as well as critical gaps in existing international engagement. They are: * continuing support to the international agenda of multilateralism in maritime security; * emphasising long-term capacity-building of regional maritime security capabilities; * accounting for local conditions in policy planning regarding cooperation with regional states; * strengthening Danish maritime security policy by systematically evaluating civil-military cooperation.

This paper deals with the refugee crisis and its impact on the European Union. The absence of a common immigration policy, even the existence of diametrically opposed attitudes and different practices of individual member states in the regulation of the refugee wave, caused a complete failure of European Union migration and asylum policies. It has, on the one hand, deepened the refugee crisis and, on the other hand, pointed to the structural and political crisis of the European Union, since they have brought into question the fundamental values of European integration, in particular human rights, unity, cooperation, solidarity, freedom and democracy. Similarly, the conflict of supranational and national interests and policies very pronouncedly came to light. The refugee crisis has also become a serious test for not only migration and asylum policies, which have proved unsuccessful, but has brought to the fore the structural and political weaknesses of European integration. Consequently, they have raised the issue of redefining the modalities of cooperation and institutional structure, especially relations of the European Commission and nation states, as well as relations among member states, particularly big and small ones.

The white papers were developed by a specially se-lected team of EU and overseas experts from diverse areas of polar research. These experts were challenged to identify polar research topics with a clear societal relevance and a specific im-portance for Europe that could make them suitable for future EU support. These topics will, if adopted, further enhance EU research excellence, increase efficient use of European resourc-es and expertise, and lead to a step change in data availability, access and interoperability. They will further increase the scale of polar research cooperation in Europe and, by including non-EU partners, will improve global cooperation. Each of the topics em-ploys a strongly interdisciplinary approach to deliver benefits in the complex and multi-faceted real-world of policy issues. Some of the white papers describe approaches that step outside tra-ditional disciplinary boundaries, offering a transformational or even 'post-disciplinary' approach. Each is designed to deliver tangible benefits to problems that arise in the Polar Regions from the complex interactions of a changing physical environ-ment, stressed ecosystems, complex issues of sovereignty and governance, and layered cultural and social structures

For five years during World War II, Denmark was occupied by Germany. While the Danish reaction to this period of its history has been extensively discussed in Danish-language publications, it has not until now received a thorough treatment in English. Set in the context of modern Danish foreign relations, and tracing the country's responses to successive crises and wars in the region, Danish Reactions to German Occupation brings a full overview of the occupation to an English-speaking audience. Holbraad carefully dissects the motivations and ideologies driving conduct during the occupation, and his authoritative coverage of the preceding century provides a crucial link to understanding the forces behind Danish foreign policy divisions. Analysing the conduct of a traumatised and strategically exposed small state bordering on an aggressive great power, the book traces a development from reluctant cooperation to active resistance. In doing so, Holbraad surveys and examines the subsequent, and not yet quite finished, debate among Danish historians about this contested period, which takes place between those siding with the resistance and those more inclined to justify limited cooperation with the occupiers – and who sometimes even condone various acts of collaboration

The study identified four stages of agricultural cooperatives in Ukraine. Proved that during this period despite the adoption of the state law a number of regulations governing the activities of cooperatives and set the amount of state aid funding was implemented only partially. The author identifies several benefits of agricultural service cooperatives. In the article the basic problems of agricultural cooperation in Ukraine at the legislative level as well as at the local level. The current state of public finance in Ukraine in recent years. It was found that lack of consistent government support and adequate financial support, the poor state of logistics cooperatives and other factors influenced the reduction in their number in Ukraine.An attempt to investigate the status and benefits of cooperation on the example of years of experience of European countries. The author proposes the basic direction that government should do for the development of agricultural cooperatives in Ukraine at all hierarchical levels. Proved that the resource potential of rural areas in the context of inefficient state support remains unrealized. Directions budgetary support of agricultural service cooperatives.

The present article is dedicated to the analysis of the Belarusian-Polish relations' development during the post-USSR period. The conclusion is made that despite the geographical neighborhood of both countries, their cultural and historical proximity, cooperation between Minsk and Warsaw didn't comply with the existing capacity. Political contradictions became the reason for that, which resulted in fluctuations in bilateral cooperation, local conflicts on the inter-state level. The author makes an attempt to identify the main reasons for a low level of efficiency in bilateral relations and to give an assessment of foreign factors impact on Minsk and Warsaw policies. = В представленной публикации анализируется развитие белорусско-польских отношений на протяжении периода после распада СССР. Делается вывод о том, что, несмотря на географическое соседство двух стран, их культурную и историческую близость, сотрудничество Минска и Варшавы не соответствовало имеющемуся потенциалу. Причиной тому являлись политические разногласия, следствием которых стали перепады в двухстороннем взаимодействии, частые конфликты на межгосударственном уровне. Автор пытается выяснить основные причины невысокой эффективности двусторонних связей, дать оценку влияния внешних факторов на политику Минска и Варшавы.

The end of the Cold War and subsequent geo-political developments had transformative impact on India's relations with the Central and Eastern Europe (CEE). Consequently, India and CEE countries recalibrated their foreign policies, but changed external orientations did not augment their bilateral relationships. Their political interactions became less frequent and economic linkages relatively modest. Despite a positive mutual perception, cultural and people-to-people contacts are not so vibrant and extensive. Since the 1990s, India and CEE have registered reasonably impressive economic growth. They have been pursuing economic reforms and taking initiatives for building digital and physical infrastructure for facilitating further growth and development and greater integration with the global economy. Therefore, an urge for enhancing India–CEE partnership now seems gradually gaining momentum, and positive measures, new synergies have been evolving. India's multiple programmes ranging from 'Make in India', 'Clean India' to Skill India' offer opportunities for enhancing cooperation. While taking a brief account of historical relationship between India and the CEE, the article analyses contemporary status of their relations. Finally, it examines the untapped potential of India–CEE cooperation, major challenges and prospective policy orientations.

Sumber Makmur farmer's association (Gapoktan) have been changed structurally due to village enlargement processes. Differences of opinion, interest conflict, truth and norm, the decreasing the participation and cooperation were regarded as threat to Gapoktan performance. This study aims to explore members of Gapoktan's perspective toward social capital values. This article also explores social capital mechanism to realize Gapoktan good performance. This study conducted in Pekon Adiluwih, Adiluwih sub-district, Pringsewu District in 2013. Respondents were Gapoktan management board and members (33 person). Data collected by in-depth interviews. Qualitative description method used to analyze the data. Based on the discussion, the research concludes that: (1) the main social capital elements patch in Sumber Makmur farmer's group are: identity (X1, X2, X3), vision and goal (X4, X5), truth (X6, X7), smash anxiety (X8, X9), dan openness (X10). Positive value of social capital is considered as intrinsic value which create bonds between Gapoktan members. Mechanism to built solidarity of member was developed by strengthen trust to every members, and uniting identity, cooperation, and openness in a synergetic networks.

How can we best describe the operation of the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP), and how can we improve policy-making in CSDP? The Open Method of Coordination (OMC) is predicated on the conviction that there are clear limits to the extent that European Union (EU) foreign and security policy can be strengthened through the restricting tendencies of intergovernmental cooperation between EU member states. Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO) - agreed by the European Council and 25 EU member states in 2017 - offers practical instruments towards delivering value-added capacity to the process of crisis management beyond intergovernmentalism. As a process, PESCO is analogous to the logic of OMC, including more appropriate levels of coordination at the national organisational level in order to effectively facilitate the EU's comprehensive approach to conflict prevention and crisis management. The requirement for new and 'open' types of EU foreign and security policy coordination is underlined by the immense differences between EU member states in external policy, both concerning national crisis management structures and the resulting inefficient segmentation of policy at the EU level. .

The contentious status of the Durand Line between Afghanistan and Pakistan is a symbol of both the problems of state and nation-building and their conflict-prone relationship. First, the unresolved border of the Durand Line was a tool in the process of nation building by Afghan governments, whose demand until the 1970s for a "Greater Pashtunistan" challenged the territorial integrity of Pakistan. Second-ly, in the 1990s, the Durand Line acquired a regional dimension when the Pakistani military linked Afghanistan to its conflict with India over Kashmir. Finally, after 9/11 the Durand Line suddenly acquired a global dimension in the War on Terror. The solution for contested borders like the Durand Line does not lie in the continu-ation of confrontational policies as in the past, but in new strategies in order to foster cooperation. The pooling of sovereignty along the Durand Line was already being discussed in the 1930s and 1940s. Such concepts, which could include joint management of common cross-border issues, would be helpful in transforming the contested line into an area of cooperation rather than confrontation.

In some important multiplayer situations, such as efforts to supply a global public good, players can
choose the game they want to play. In this paper we conduct an experimental test of the decision by a
group with fixed membership, playing over a finite number of periods, to choose between a "tipping"
game, in which every player wants to contribute to the public good provided enough other players
contribute, and a prisoners' dilemma, the classic cooperation game. In the prisoners' dilemma, the
first best outcome is attainable, but cannot be sustained as a Nash equilibrium. In the tipping game,
only a second best outcome may be attainable, but there exists a Nash equilibrium that is strictly
preferred to the one in the prisoners' dilemma. We show that many groups persistently choose the
prisoners' dilemma despite its strategic disadvantage, and that the groups that eventually choose
the tipping game do better than the ones that stick with the prisoners' dilemma.


The work was financially supported by the Princeton Institute for International and Regional Studies and the ERC Starting Grant "Human Cooperation to Protect the Global Commons" (HUCO, Project number: 636746).

In 1943, the British Special Operations Executive (SOE) launched one of the Allied intelligence services' biggest efforts to foster resistance within Nazi Germany in cooperation with Slovene partisans in the Carinthian borderland. The so-called Clowder Mission systematically supplied weapons and other military assistance to the partisans who, in summer and autumn 1944, offered the strongest – albeit often neglected by scholars – militant resistance within the borders of Nazi Germany. Although SOE's operational aim of externally fomenting Austrian separatist, patriotic resistance deeper inside the country failed, its strategic aim of assisting the separation of Austria from Germany and re-establishing an independent Austrian nation-state proved to be sound. At the same time, the Carinthian Slovene partisans fell short of attaining their political objectives. This article analyses the paradoxical results of British subversive politics towards Austria and Slovenia. It traces the impact of the SOE's agenda and the origins of the Moscow Declaration on the reestablishment of Austria, and elaborates on the character of British-Slovene cooperation, its success and its breakdown in the context of British subversive politics, inter-Allied rivalries and competition, and the geopolitics of resistance.

AbstractIntercultural teams are more and more popular nowadays – they constitute a serious challenge in terms of effective cooperation and trust building, however. The article presents the potential problems that can affect intercultural cooperation and stresses the power of trust in cultural diversity conditions. The ten-factor model of intercultural team trust is presented. The main aim was to answer the questions: what are the differences in trust factor importance in homogenous and diverse teams and what are the most dangerous trust barriers according to Y generation business students? A survey conducted on 200 respondents allowed for concluding that the deep trust (compatibility, goodwill, predictability, well-being, inclusion and accessibility) is less important than the initial trust (open sharing of information, integrity and reciprocity), with the exception of competence assessment, as well as that all the trust factors are equally important for homogenous and culturally diverse teams, even if there are some differences in their hierarchy depending on the teams' cultural composition. Language differences and stereotypes were pointed as the most important trust barriers. The influence of intercultural training on the elimination of trust barriers was also proved.

This article examines the development of the European Union-Kazakhstan partnership by discussing the provisions of: (a) the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement between the European Communities and their Member States and the Republic of Kazakhstan of January 23, 1995 that currently serves as the legal foundation of the EU-Kazakhstan relations; (b) the enhanced Partnership and Cooperation Agreement that was initialed on January 20, 2015 and will eventually replace the PCA; and (c) a number of other legal instruments that govern the collaboration between the EU and Kazakhstan. The author demonstrates the main achievements of the EU-Kazakhstan partnership and analyzes the major problems related to the advancement of the EU-Kazakhstan political dialogue and economic partnership (and in particular in the field of energy and transport). Finally, the author argues that the EU-Kazakhstan partnership can develop to the full extent of its potential provided that the EU and post-Soviet countries would be committed to the idea of creating a Wider Europe, i.e., a distinct region based on common values and shared interests.

We study the effects of shocks – such as major wars that change states' strategic environments – on alliance networks. This has important implications for the structure of security cooperation networks. We develop an agent-based model (ABM) that: (1) models network evolution processes of security cooperation networks; (2) induces shocks that cause significant changes in agents' utilities due to shifts in common interests between states; (3) analyzes how networks reorganize in the post-shock period. We derive propositions from the ABM about the relationship between shock attributes and network structure. We compare the results of the ABM to similar shocks that operate on real-world alliance networks. The ABM results with random network data suggest that states that experience dramatic changes in their strategic environment increase network connectivity and consistency. Consequently, post-shock networks become increasingly connected (denser) and consistent (transitive). With a few notable exceptions, these results are corroborated by analysis of alliance network reorganization following shocks. We discuss the theoretical and empirical implications of the results and offer directions for future research on shocks and international networks.