Prijetnja koja dotiče sadašnju Srednju Europu vezana je uz dvije skupine uzroka. Kao prvo, s politikom Rusije koja traži novo mjesto za sebe na globalnoj razini. Kao drugo, s krizom unutar same Unije, koja se većinom tiče zemalja Srednje Europe kao najmlađeg njezinog člana i onoga koji nosi postkomunistički teret. Geostrateški, ideološki i kulturološki aspekti povezani s prethodno spomenutim kompleksima prijetnje bit će predmet izlaganja na konferenciji. ; The threat that Central Europe faces nowadays is connected with two sets of causes. The first cause is Russian politics that attempts to establish a new position on a global level. And the second is the crisis within the Union, which has mainly affected Central European countries, their youngest members that still bear the post-communist burden. The paper focuses on geostrategic, ideological and cultural aspects regarding the abovementioned complex threat.
It is the authors' ambition to answer the following question: to what extend does the political parties of national minorities influence on the cultural autonomy in Serbia. With an intention of answering the research question the author analize the role of minority parties in establishing of National Minorities Councils (NMCs). NMCs are the main institution of cultural autonomy in Serbia. There are twenty three minority groups who have established National Minority Council, there for author of this paper selected two minority groups as case studies: Hungarian and Croats. Political parties of national minorities play a major role in the integration process, their role in the field of political integration is clear, however, the influence of these parties, as the main generators of national minority interests, on cultural autonomy and social integration has not been sufficiently explored. The aim of this paper is to examine the following hypothesis: Cultural autonomy in Serbia is primarily domain, even monopolized by minorities' parties. In order to determine the character of the impact of political parties on the work of NMCs first step will be to distinguish main features of the model of cultural autonomy applied in Serbia. In following will be given a brief overview of minority parties development with special emphasis on their position in political and party system of Serbia. Finally the impact of minority parties on the functioning of NMCs will be presented, through two parameters: participation in elections for NMCS and decision-making process. The first parameter is dedicated to analysis of the results and the subjects of the campaigns. The second parameter relates to the degree of inclusiveness of the decision-making process.
Antun i Stjepan Radić uvelike su utjecali na razvoj hrvatske povijesti jer su probudili narodnu svijest kod seljaka u hrvatskim zemljama i pretvorili ga u politički narod. Pri tome Antun Radić bio je znanstvenik koji je prikupio podatke i udario temelje hrvatske narodnosti i to uzimajući u prvo vrijeme za maticu Rusiju, tada jedinu slavensku državu. Stjepan Radić bio je svestraniji i poznavalac svjetske povijesti. Nadopunio je Antunove spoznaje rezultatima francuske politologije i sociologije djelujući neposredno u narodu. Njihovo zajedničko djelovanje ima više faza: djetinjstvo i srednjoškolsko doba kada je Antun mentor Stjepanu i sazrijevanje kada braća imaju različite interese, te Antun kroči putem produbljivanja poznavanja ruske književnosti i hrvatskoga jezika, a Stjepan se angažira na političkoj sceni protiv mađarona. U trećoj fazi Stjepan produljuje svoju politiku liberalnim spoznajama francuske politološke i sociološke škole, te je njegov odnos s bratom izjednačen. U četvrtom razdoblju obojica smatraju da se preko Sabora mogu izboriti za promjene u Hrvatskoj. Stjepan pritom ima više uspjeha. I na kraju, Stjepan ostaje voditi i dalje borbu za prava hrvatskoga naroda s time da u svoje ciljeve do smrti ugrađuje mnoge Antunove ideje. Braća su opet na istoj liniji kao u djetinjstvu. ; Antun and Stjepan Radić have greatly impacted Croatian history development, namely peasant's national awareness in all Croatian Lands, thus transforming them into political nation. Antun Radić was also a scientist who has collected data and made the foundations of Croatian nationhood (having in mind Russia, at that time the only Slavic State). Stjepan Radić was more versatile and knowledgeable of world history. He has supplemented Antun's findings with results of Franch political sciences and sociology, constantly working with the people. Their joint venture has several stages: childhood and adolescence, when Antun was a mentor to Stjepan; followed by a period of maturation when brothers have different interests – Antun was involved in Russian Literature and Croatian Language Studies, while Stjepan was politically engaged against Unionist party members (mađaroni). In the third stage, Stjepan deepens his politics with liberal knowledge (École libre des sciences politiques) and becomes equal to his brother. In the fourth stage, they both think that one can make changes in Croatia through Parliament. In doing so, Stjepan is more successful. At the end, Stjepan is left to lead the fight for the rights of Croatian people (until his death), while incorporating many of Antun's ideas in the national goals. Thereby, brothers have remained on the same side just as they were in childhood.
Zaštita kulturnoga dobra u izvanrednim situacijama provodi se u različitim područjima te ovisi o nizu informacija i postupaka koji ne nastaju isključivo unutar područja kulture. Različite dionike i postupke povezuju dokumentacija i dokumentiranje, a to su ujedno temeljni aspekti poslovanja AKM ustanova (arhivi, knjižnice i muzeji). Induktivnom analizom literature međunarodnih smjernica i hrvatskoga pravnoga okvira u ovom je radu analizirana uloga dokumentacije i preporučeni modeli dokumentiranja u izvanrednim situacijama. Zaključeno je da je uloga dokumentiranja u izvanrednim situacijama prepoznata kao važna, ali nedostatno raščlanjena te da su pojedini aspekti, poput dokumentiranja digitalnoga kulturnoga dobra tijekom izvanredne situacije, zanemareni. U završnom dijelu rada izdvojena su područja u kojima je potrebno provesti daljnja istraživanja. ; Creation and preservation of active and passive documentation are important activities embedded in the daily workflow of libraries, archives and museums (ALM). Also, documentation and documenting are integral parts of crisis management in the same context and important aspect of preventive conservation. The paper presents results of literary warrant analysis of relevant intrasectoral guidelines created by the following international organizations: International Council on Archives (ICA), International Council on Museums (ICOM), International Federation of Library Associations and Institutions (IFLA) and International Centre for the Study of the Preservation and Restoration of Cultural Property (ICCROM). Since Croatian ALM institutions operate within a legislative framework in which various regulations determine and prescribe professional actions this aspect was considered as well. The goal of the analysis was to detect types of documentation, models of documentation, the role and purpose of documentation in the context of preparation and response to an emergency. Furthermore, the objective was to analyse and critically reflect on the issue of documentation in crisis and emergency conceptualized in guidelines of abovementioned international organizations and prescribed by Croatian legislative regulations. For the purposes of the paper the pre- and post- crisis documentation was divided a) according to the creation period (i.e. documentation created before crisis, during/immediately after crisis and after crisis in recovery period) and b) according to the type and business function (i.e. professional and administrative-technicaldocumentation). Common trait to all international guidelines was the importance of planning documenting activities within the general plan for preparation on crisis situations as well as the emphasis on the need for standardized, accurate, reliable, available and reusable documentation. Since analysed guidelines from ICA, ICOM and ICA originate from similar time periods they reflect similar worldview and compared with more recent ICCROM recommendation lack in details. Lack of documentation (both pre- and post- crisis) is a widely accepted risk factor. Croatian legislation system, beside early ratification of the Hague protocols (which was enhanced by the damages on cultural heritage during Homeland War in 1990s) recognize importance of accurate and detailed inventories and lists of protected cultural goods, but at the same time lack in recognizing the importance of documenting the crisis as recommended in international guidelines. General lack of recognition is noticed in the area of documenting the digital cultural heritage in crisis, or even the issue of cybersecurity connected with digital cultural heritage as such. Finally, this study detects possible further areas of research which might include among others: use of archival historical data in analysis of past and model of simulation of future crisis, case analysis of documentation management during crisis, studies of institutional implementation of guidelines and recommendations, testing new technologies as support in documentation efforts and analysis of legal and business consequences in cases when documentation was not accurate, reliable or available during the crisis preparation and response.
1948. bila je prijelomna godina za jugoslavensko-američke odnose i američku vanjsku politiku prema Jugoslaviji. Nakon razlaza sa Staljinom, američka administracija formulirala je "strategiju klina" u svrhu održavanja Tita "na površini" te, osim ekonomske i vojne pomoći, pokrenula niz kulturnih programa namijenjenih približavanju Jugoslavije Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama. Članak analizira aktivnosti kao i kulturnu i intelektualnu atraktivnost Američke čitaonice u Zagrebu u jeku Hladnog rata kao dio američke javne i kulturne diplomacije. Nastao je na temelju usmenog intervjua te je popraćen međunarodnim arhivskim istraživanjem (National Archives at College Park i University of Arkansas Library, SAD; Arhiv Jugoslavije, Arhiv Josipa Broza Tita i Historijski arhiv grada Beograda, Beograd; Hrvatski državni arhiv, Zagreb; te Roosevelt Institute for American Studies Microfilm Collection). Autorica tvrdi da je kroz djelatnosti čitaonice, programe kulturnih razmjena, radio Glas Amerike, američkih paviljona na Zagrebačkom i Beogradskom velesajmu, kao i preko kulturnih gostovanja, američka vlada uspješno vezala jugoslavenski kulturni prostor za zapadne, američke trendove i tendencije. Kroz perspektivu osobnog svjedoka, direktorice United States Information Servicea (USIS) Zagreb, autorica izlaže uspjehe, granice i prostore pregovaranja američke javne diplomacije (public diplomacy) kao validnog instrumenta američke vanjske politike prema Titovoj Jugoslaviji. ; 1948 was a breakthrough year for the Yugoslav-American bilateral relations and the US foreign policy towards Yugoslavia. After the Tito-Stalin split, the US administration conceived a "wedge strategy" to "keep Tito afloat" and, besides economic and military aid, launched a series of cultural programs aimed at bringing Yugoslavia closer to the United States. The article analyzes the activities as well as the cultural and intellectual attractiveness of the American Library Zagreb at the height of the Cold War as part of the US public diplomacy strategy in socialist Yugoslavia. Based on an oral interview, the article relies on international archival research at the National Archives at College Park and the University of Arkansas Library, USA, the Yugoslav Archives, Josip Broz Tito's Archives, Belgrade's Historical Archives, Belgrade, the Croatian State Archives, and the Roosevelt Institute for American Studies Microfilm Collection. The author argues that through the library activities, the cultural exchange programs, the Voice of America, and the American pavilions at the Zagreb and Belgrade Fair, as well as through cultural visits, the US government successfully linked the Yugoslav cultural space to Western, American trends and tendencies. Through the perspective of a witness, the United States Information Service (USIS) director in Zagreb, the author presents the successes, boundaries and negotiating spaces of the US public diplomacy as a valid instrument of US foreign policy towards Tito's Yugoslavia.
The author deals with the problem of adjustment to the Bologna process, using the philosophical-political distinctions between open & guided intertraditional exchange, & between utopian & piecemeal social engineering. In his opinion, the process might be perceived as a sort of cultural imperialism that need not be disastrous for its victims. The reform should create the conditions for the organization of serious multidisciplinary studies at the university level (European studies, American studies, gender studies, peace studies, etc). Should changes at the U of Zagreb be implemented systematically, though prudently, the results could be positive. However, the author warns that the role of tradition should not be underestimated nor the possibility of serious quandaries in the implementation of the reform of higher education excluded, even if the changes are introduced gradually. 4 References. Adapted from the source document.
The author looks into one of the most important concepts in the last decade of comparative research: social capital. The concept of social capital was originally developed in sociology, where it denotes potential benefits that individuals enjoy, derived from their involvement in various social networks. This concept was fully utilized in the field of comparative politics into which it was "introduced" by Robert Putnam in Making Democracy Work, in which he presents the results of his research in which he establishes a positive link between social capital -- embodied in the norms of generalized reciprocity, horizontal networks, & trust -- & higher levels of democratic efficiency. In the last decade, the concept has been used in a number of studies in comparative politics, the starting point of which was the thesis that spatial & temporal differences in the levels of political efficiency may, at least partly, be explained by the level of social capital of a community. By comparing the concepts of political culture & social capital, the author concludes that social capital is a major conceptual innovation in comparative politics & represents a revival of social/cultural variables in comparative analysis. 63 References. Adapted from the source document.
The author looks into one of the most important concepts in the last decade of comparative research: social capital. The concept of social capital was originally developed in sociology, where it denotes potential benefits that individuals enjoy, derived from their involvement in various social networks. This concept was fully utilized in the field of comparative politics into which it was "introduced" by Robert Putnam in Making Democracy Work, in which he presents the results of his research in which he establishes a positive link between social capital -- embodied in the norms of generalized reciprocity, horizontal networks, & trust -- & higher levels of democratic efficiency. In the last decade, the concept has been used in a number of studies in comparative politics, the starting point of which was the thesis that spatial & temporal differences in the levels of political efficiency may, at least partly, be explained by the level of social capital of a community. By comparing the concepts of political culture & social capital, the author concludes that social capital is a major conceptual innovation in comparative politics & represents a revival of social/cultural variables in comparative analysis. 63 References. Adapted from the source document.
Rad istražuje načine na koje su rodni odnosi izraženi kroz specifičnu komunikativnu infrastrukturu grada – nazive javnih prostora i urbane plastike – čija svrha, tvrdimo, nadilazi funkcionalnu (orijentir; komemoracija verzije nacionalne povijesti) i su-određuje odnose moći u sferi roda. Analizirajući obrasce označavanja, oblikovanja i pozicioniranja imena, ploča i spomenika u Zagrebu, kombinacijom statističke obrade, mapiranja i istraživačke šetnje, pokazujemo da urbano znakovlje glavnog grada Hrvatske, u vremenu širenja debate o rodnoj ravnopravnosti, zadržava dominantno patrijarhalno uređenje koje je nasljeđeno iz perioda posvemašnjeg rasta, s kraja 19./početka 20. i sredinom 20. stoljeća, i znatno preferira muškarce kao aktere i tumače javnog prostora i povijesti. Usvojena prostorna analiza obuhvaća ne samo učestalost nego i prostornu distribuciju te tipove reprezentacije žena u urbanom znakovlju (imena, ploče, spomenici) Zagreba. Dobiveni rezultati propituju se pod lupom kritičke i konstruktivističke škole kulturnih studija i kontekstualiziraju procesima medijske posredovanosti gradova i urbanog života tranzicijskih društava. ; This paper investigates the ways in which gender relations are articulated through a particular communicative urban infrastructure, such as names of public spaces and public art. We argue that their selective design and distribution suggest meanings beyond functional purposes (to serve as orientation points or as national commemorative sites) and co-constitute gendered power relations. Reading the patterns of signification, formulation and positioning of names, plaques and statues in Zagreb, through our raft of statistical analysis, mapping, and ethnographic walks, we show that the urban signage of the capital of Croatia, in a time of increased debates about gender equality and identity, continues to uphold the patriarchy inherited from earlier periods of city growth, namely the late 19th/early 20th centuries and mid-20th century. Our spatial analysis concerns not only the frequency but also spatial distribution and forms of representation of women in the names of public spaces and commemorative plaques and statues. The research presented here suggests that Zagreb's public urban signage significantly prefers men to women as actors in public space and nation's history. We discuss our findings from the perspective of critical and constructivist approaches in cultural studies and contextualise them with reference to the ways in which contemporary urban spaces are said to be 'mediated cities'.
In the text the author discusses the problem of the European identity -- which emerged in the earlier stage of the process of European integration -- from the perspective of the discourse theory. This approach was overlooked in the early stages of the development of the European studies, in which the economistic approach emphasizing only the economic benefits of the European integration prevailed; today, however, the European identity issue is one of the central questions, & the success of the process of the European integration depends on. The question of the European identity has for a long time been identified with the concept of "Europe's positive public image" appealing to the citizens & to the political communities involved in the process of the European integration. The question of the European identity was for the first time systematically elaborated on in an EC document -- the Copenhagen Declaration of 1973 -- & since then the debate on Europe's political & cultural identity has permanently been on the agenda, particularly of the Eurosceptic political movements & ideas. The author looks into the theory of identity from the perspective of the latest contributions, particularly from the perspective of modern social theories, & suggests that the European studies ought to take into consideration the dual nature of the identification, the discursive & the affective, as well as the symbolic & the libidinal. That is why the European studies have to work out how to thwart Euroscepticism & develop the strategies of countering the phenomena such as a lack of pervasive identifications of citizens with Europe. References. Adapted from the source document.
Osvrt na život i djelo hrvatskoga književnika i političara Ante Tresića Pavičića (1867. – 1949.) osvjetljuje složenost hrvatske povijesti i književnosti u kulturno- političkim mijenama. Način na koji je Tresić Pavičić prikazivan u povijesnim i književnopovijesnim istraživanjima ukazuje na nestabilnu recepciju njegove važnosti. Ovaj prilog ocrtava žanrovsku raznovrsnost njegova književnoga doprinosa povijesti hrvatske književnosti, uzimajući u obzir i njegove političke pozicije. Danas je sazrelo vrijeme za objektivnu procjenu njegova opusa, od inovativnih do petrificirajućih estetičkih opredjeljenja. Biografija i bibliografija Ante Tresića Pavičića prepleće se s kanonskim pozicijama Marka Marulića s jedne i Vladimira Nazora s druge strane. Važan za povijest hrvatskoga epa, lirike, drame, te iznimno vrijedan putopisac, on zavrjeđuje kulturološku revalorizaciju. ; The overview of the life and work of the Croatian writer and politician Ante Tresić Pavičić (1867-1949) sheds light on the complexity of Croatian history and literature in the periods of cultural and political changes. His importance was given a mixed reception judging from he way in which Tresic Pavičić was presented in historical and literary and historical studies. This article outlines the genre diversity of his literary contribution to the history of Croatian literature, taking into account his political positions as well. The time has come today for an objective assessment of his opus, from his innovative to the established aesthetic convictions. The biography and bibliography of Ante Tresic Pavicic coincide with the canonical positions of Marko Marulić on the one hand and Vladimir Nazor on the other. Being important for the history of Croatian epic, poetry, drama, and also an extremely valuable travel writer, he deserves cultural re-evaluation.
This article analyses the representation and main characteristics of comparative politics articles published in the journal Politicka misao. Starting from the assumption that the political and academic fields are engaged in a process of 'reciprocal legitimation', we divided the period of analysis into two phases and research subsamples. The first encompasses articles published in the period 1964-1989, while the second covers articles published in the period 1990-2013. Content analysis reveals that during the first phase comparative politics articles were weakly represented in the journal. The few articles that belong to the field were mostly written from a Marxist perspective, and occasionally from the perspective of old normative institutionalism. Overall they were methodologically unreflective, descriptive and configurative. The most frequent topics were self-managing democracy, communist and revolutionary parties, anti-imperial movements and conflicts in Third World countries. The time period after 1990 is characterised by a strengthening of the field of comparative politics. First of all, there is a notable increase in the number of articles dedicated to elections, electoral systems, political parties and party systems, legislatures and governments, constitutionalism and the judiciary, political culture, nationalism, as well as European institutions and processes. Secondly, theoretical approaches are more diversified, ranging from new institutionalism, behavioralism and pluralism to rational choice theory and cultural theory. Though case studies and focused studies with a small-N are the most frequent empirical strategies, overall methodology remains the weakest element of domestic academic production in comparative politics, while explicitly methodological discussions remain extremely rare. Adapted from the source document.
Religion & religious communities as active components of each social & cultural set & as major factors in its functioning may contribute to social processes & relations or affect them both integrationally & disintegrationally. The paper lays out the theoretical & methodological grounds (functionalism) for the analysis of these processes & relations. As the examples of the integrational influence on the social & political processes in Croatia following all the social & political changes, we can mention the activities of the Catholic church (particularly in the Diaspora) &, to a degree, those of the Pentecostal church, while the disintegrational influence was exemplified by the activities of the Serbian Orthodox church. The text also includes a comparative analysis of the empirical data obtained from two studies carried out in Croatia (based on several partial indicators), which indicate a marked turn towards religiosity. Highlighted are possible individual & social aspects of these changes as well as the need for a complex & systematic monitoring of the religious developments in Croatia, the results of which might point to the possible integrational or disintegrational potentials of this "new religiosity" within a broader social framework. 4 Tables, 9 References. Adapted from the source document.
The paper analyzes the link between Kant's 'Perpetual peace' and the democratic peace paradigm with which contemporary International Relations are being interpreted. In doing so, the monadic and dyadic versions of liberal theory of democratic peace are explained through the institutional-structural and cultural-normative models. The theory of democratic peace is critically analyzed, with emphasis on the causal relationship between the independent variable, the democratic regime, and the dependent variable, peace. Empirical studies of cases in which the crises among democratic states have not resulted in war are also questioned, which brings into doubt the causal logic of the theory itself. In critical thought about the democratic peace theory, special emphasis is placed on the realistic interpretation of causes that are believed to contribute to democratic peace, as well as on the existence of the so-called 'democratic war'. There exist a number of factors explaining this foreign policy behavior of democracies and their hiding behind the theses of the theory of democratic peace. An example is the position of power that democracy occupies in International Relations, with which, aside from liberal dependent variables, realistic variables must be taken into account as well, such as the concentration of power, economic interdependence and national interest. Adapted from the source document.
