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Cultural capital is usually defined as set of social features that provide individuals with social mobility and the possibility of changing their hierarchical position in systems such as wealth, power, prestige, education, and health. Cultural capital thus affects the processes of social promotion or degradation. It also includes social characteristics that allow horizontal mobility, that is, changes in social group membership. An individual's cultural capital includes his or her social origin, education, taste, lifestyle, style of speech, and dress.

The canvas tote bag, often branded with the name and logo of a popular cultural institution or bookstore, has become a shorthand for an individual's accumulated cultural capital; this seemingly innocuous accessory has the power to signal to one's peers the level of their engagement with the cultural and creative industries in a seemingly casual but deeply coded manner. The literary festival presents the perfect opportunity for individuals to signal to those around them that they, for example, subscribe to the New Yorker or donate money to the V&A museum. This article presents the findings of an observational study conducted at four literary festivals in Australia, the United Kingdom and the United States. Four distinct categories emerged from this analysis of tote bags carried at literary festivals: the festival tote that is sold at the festival; totes associated with cultural institutions; totes with political, satirical or ironic slogans; totes that are not associated with any particular arts or cultural brand or institution. I argue that, especially where the first three categories are concerned, the tote bags carried at literary festivals are consciously chosen for the purpose of signalling one's cultural capital. ; Le sac fourre-tout en toile, souvent marqué du nom et du logo d'une institution culturelle ou librairie populaires, est devenu un raccourci pour signifier le capital culturel accumulé par une personne. Par cet accessoire en apparence inoffensif, elle peut attirer l'attention de ses pairs sur le degré auquel elle souscrit aux industries culturelles et créatives, d'une manière qui se veut décontractée mais est en réalité profondément codée. Le festival littéraire constitue l'occasion idéale pour signaler aux autres qu'elle est une abonnée du New Yorker ou une donatrice du musée Victoria and Albert, par exemple. L'article présente les résultats d'une étude observationnelle menée dans quatre festivals littéraires en Australie, au Royaume-Uni et aux États-Unis. Quatre catégories distinctes se ...

In recent decades there has been a growing interest worldwide in the study of the relationship between various manifestations of culture and economic processes. Contrary to the reckless judgments of some researchers, culture is not universal or neutral, but diverse and has a direct and significant influence on the nature of organization and implementation of economic activity. Nevertheless, in spite the accumulation of numerous and irrefutable evidence of this, the integration of the concept of culture in some or other categorical forms into economic theory for one reason or another has not yet occurred. In characterizing the interaction of cultural and economic processes the author suggests broader use of the concept of cultural capital, similar in many of its "technical" parameters to other intangible capitals. Intangible cultural capital, defined as "habitual perceptions and values", is a multi-layered and multidimensional phenomenon that contains not only stable and "strong" elements but also those amenable to change, susceptible to degradation and destruction, and therefore exhibits features both as a public good and as a common good.

Bourdieu's theory of cultural reproduction has been interpreted in various ways, and several authors have criticised an overly narrow interpretation of cultural capital as simply consisting of 'beaux arts' participation. For researchers, this raises the challenge of developing a broader interpretation of cultural capital which is still specific enough to be operationalised. This paper discusses the ways in which parents may transmit educational advantage to their children through cultural rather than economic means, and the forms of knowledge and skill which may be considered as 'cultural capital'. An operationalisation of cultural knowledge is discussed, and empirical evidence is presented on differences in levels of cultural knowledge between the children of graduates and non-graduates.

Cultural capital is assumed to benefit all members of society. It is built up by the aggregate consumption of cultural goods and is diminished through depreciation. In the no-policy market economy, consumers tend to ignore the beneficial external effects of their cultural good consumption on the other consumers (and on themselves) through augmenting cultural capital. Cultural goods will be less consumed and, as a result, cultural capital will be underprovided. The efficient allocation is shown to be restored by an appropriate subsidy on cultural goods that stimulates the consumers´ demand for cultural goods and thus promotes the accumulation of cultural capital.

This article focuses on problems with correlating a value system to human activity. The author approaches analyzing this issue in terms of cultural capital. Subject to examination is the key component of social order, which can be described as "developing relations of the highest and lowest order", as orientation towards oneself of one's community in a social group or network. This work attempts to define what social capital consists of in terms of privileged and legitimized cultural practices. Presumably a culture of common values bears self-worth if it can be materialized within the boundaries of various types of relations. This allows for predicting trends of change in interpersonal relationships, by means of generalizing the results and conducting comparative analysis. Highlighted is the fact that such analysis makes sense if it were to be conducted in terms of cultural capital. As such, a special role is assigned to cultural competence. The ability and/or skills in practically using cultural achievements under certain conditions, with the goal of converting them into other types of capital later down the line, are especially valuable. Also noted is the fact that an understanding of cultural capital, as well as its transformations, is vital for analyzing actual practices which reflect the processes of the "achievements, approval or rejection, reproduction or transformation" dynamic. The author confirms the conclusion which had already been drawn by foreign scientists who are well-known in this field of knowledge, namely that there exists a certain pattern: either society brings forth specific channels for the flow of class cultures with their impenetrable boundaries, their peculiar and somewhat autonomous standards of purpose (of taste), or a dilution of class distinctions occurs. This inevitably has an effect on the decline of the role of cultural capital, and therefore on belonging to the elite. A hypothesis is brought forth about the need to define a person's place within social networks, their affiliation with those who are typically considered to be members of "exclusive cultures". Otherwise a connection to such networks implies the "lowest level of cultural competence" and an unfavorable place in the social hierarchy.

Journalists are tasked with holding power to account; often, that means evaluating and interpreting numbers. But anecdotally, journalists are ill at ease with figures. This shortcoming is worrying both in terms of the quality of news provided to the public, and the implications for informed democratic debate. This paper tests the assertion that journalism as a profession is numeracy-challenged through a small-scale study of the numeracy capabilities of journalism students. Some oft-cited reasons for these shortcomings are discussed, including the pressures of deadlines and the tyranny of the 24-hour news cycle, where the mantra of "never wrong for long" appears to justify a casual approach to getting numbers right. Then, drawing on the work of Pierre Bourdieu and his notion of "cultural capital," the under-appreciated role played by symbolic culture in journalists' attitude to figures is highlighted. Symbolic culture determines what is valued by a group or sub-group of people (such as journalists), and what it is acceptable to denigrate ("I'm no good at math!" spoken as a boast). Journalism culture, it is argued, is opposed to numeracy. Finally, it is argued that in addition to the worthwhile efforts to improve numeracy skills among journalists, the culture of journalism itself needs to be transformed. The novel suggestion is made that science and math students should be encouraged to enter the profession, which has traditionally been dominated by liberal arts students.

Journalists are tasked with holding power to account; often, that means evaluating and interpreting numbers. But anecdotally, journalists are ill at ease with figures. This shortcoming is worrying both in terms of the quality of news provided to the public, and the implications for informed democratic debate. This paper tests the assertion that journalism as a profession is numeracy-challenged through a small-scale study of the numeracy capabilities of journalism students. Some oft-cited reasons for these shortcomings are discussed, including the pressures of deadlines and the tyranny of the 24-hour news cycle, where the mantra of "never wrong for long" appears to justify a casual approach to getting numbers right. Then, drawing on the work of Pierre Bourdieu and his notion of "cultural capital," the under-appreciated role played by symbolic culture in journalists' attitude to figures is highlighted. Symbolic culture determines what is valued by a group or sub-group of people (such as journalists), and what it is acceptable to denigrate ("I'm no good at math!" spoken as a boast). Journalism culture, it is argued, is opposed to numeracy. Finally, it is argued that in addition to the worthwhile efforts to improve numeracy skills among journalists, the culture of journalism itself needs to be transformed. The novel suggestion is made that science and math students should be encouraged to enter the profession, which has traditionally been dominated by liberal arts students.

Journalists are tasked with holding power to account; often, that means evaluating and interpreting numbers. But anecdotally, journalists are ill at ease with figures. This shortcoming is worrying both in terms of the quality of news provided to the public, and the implications for informed democratic debate. This paper tests the assertion that journalism as a profession is numeracy-challenged through a small-scale study of the numeracy capabilities of journalism students. Some oft-cited reasons for these shortcomings are discussed, including the pressures of deadlines and the tyranny of the 24-hour news cycle, where the mantra of "never wrong for long" appears to justify a casual approach to getting numbers right. Then, drawing on the work of Pierre Bourdieu and his notion of "cultural capital," the under-appreciated role played by symbolic culture in journalists' attitude to figures is highlighted. Symbolic culture determines what is valued by a group or sub-group of people (such as journalists), and what it is acceptable to denigrate ("I'm no good at math!" spoken as a boast). Journalism culture, it is argued, is opposed to numeracy. Finally, it is argued that in addition to the worthwhile efforts to improve numeracy skills among journalists, the culture of journalism itself needs to be transformed. The novel suggestion is made that science and math students should be encouraged to enter the profession, which has traditionally been dominated by liberal arts students.