Search results

Rysslands doktrinella hierarki fungerar utan arenaspecifika doktriner. Det finns ett övergripande säkerhetsstrategiskt dokument, direkt underställt detta dokument finns den militära doktrinen. Ändå utformades 2001 en maritim doktrin som skall behandla det maritima läget och rysslands ekonomiska intressen på haven fram till år 2020. Varför denna doktrin utformades kan ha sitt svar i Rysslands ökade maritima intresse i och kring ryskt havsterritorium, men det kan även vara ett sätt att visa sina officiella ställningstaganden, intressen och intentioner öppet för världssamfundet. 2010 publicerades ett nytt säkerhetsstrategiskt dokument och samma år offentliggjordes även den nya militäradoktrinen. Det utformades i samma veva även en strategisk Arktisk doktrin som tillkännagav Rysslands intentioner och intressen i denna nya och oexploaterade region som tack vare jordens förhöjda medeltemperatur de senare åren har öppnat upp nya områden. Många nationer har blivit intresserade av detta nya område, bland annat USA, Kanada, Danmark och Norge. Detta har i sin tur skapat en grogrund, för tvister om gränsdragningar och om vem som har rätten till resursextraheringen i området. Det som detta arbete kommer att avhandla är, vad den äldre ryska maritima doktrinen har haft för inverkan påde senare utvecklade doktrinerna. Vad finns det för skillnader, likheter och vilka punkter har höjts till en merbeslutad nivå? Utifrån dessa kriterier kommer sedermera en estimering, om vad dessa variabler kan ha förinverkan, på ryska marinstridskrafters uppträdande i Arktis regionen i ett framtidsperspektiv. ; Russian doctrine on set hierarchy works without specific arena doctrines. There is a comprehensive security strategy document, and as a direct subordinate to this document is the military doctrine. Yet in the year of 2001 a maritime doctrine was developed to deal with the maritime situation and Russia's economic interests in the seas until 2020. Why this doctrine was designed might have its answer in Russia's increased interest in maritime ...

In a review of Mikael Sundstrom's Connecting Social Science and Information Technology. Democratic Privacy in the Information Age, Sundstrom's account of a theoretical framework that may serve to simplify information technology environments, with a particular emphasis on the importance of privacy (as defined in liberal democratic societies) is critiqued on the grounds that it is reductive in some ways: the concept of a 'grand base' for information technology innovation that attends to access time, information sequentially, interactivity, pervasiveness, real-time transfer, recipient anonymity, sender anonymity, recipient transfer cost, recipient enabling cost, recipient verification of sender authenticity, & search & retrieve ability, while laudable, is not matched by an attention to practicality or cost of implementation. In his response, Sundstrom claims that he has been misunderstood, particularly in his account of the 'grand base,' whereas the author, in his reply, disputes this. 4 References. A. Siegel

The article investigates the conception of social justice endorsed by the Swedish Green party. It is argued that the prime mover in the realisation of the party's vision of social justice is the introduction of a universal basic income, a reform that has been advocated by the party since 2001. The conception of justice implied by the party's version of a basic income is best understood against the backdrop of the ideas of social justice of the contemporary Brian Barry. Just as Barry, the Green party embraces a basic income out of concern for the safety of the least well off groups in society and out of concern for equality of opportunity. For both Barry & the Swedish Green Party, moreover, the latter ideal not only implicates justice for all inhabitants in society, but also justice in global & intergenerational terms. References. Adapted from the source document.

At the Statsvetenskapliga Fonrbundet annual meeting in 2007, an report was presented concerning an investigation conducted to determine the gender distribution among those who received research grants in the political science field. The investigation focused on gender distribution for grants awarded versus total number of applications submitted to research grant providers RJ, VR and FAS between 2001-2006. Overall the picture proved positive, except for FAS statistics showing a relatively small number of grants awarded relative to the number of women who applied for grants. It was determined that follow-up work was needed to address this. Plans were made to draw up guidelines at the May board meeting for continuing work in the fall. The second issue discussed at the meeting was what criteria should apply when judging the quality of compilation theses. It was hoped that the Society could get a discussion started which would ultimately lead to the establishment of a common practice. Adapted from the source document.

The professional communicators inside the Swedish Government Office are today 140 (compared to a single one 40 years ago & just twenty 15 years ago), giving support to the idea that the media now has a major impact on everyday business inside the Government. This article shows that this partly true, as the media mainly have an effect on the politicians, the partisan ministerial staff & the communicators. But the relationship between the Government Offices & the media could also be turned around. The Government have resources for external communication no lesser than an international news agency's, & does oil a daily basis deliver an impressive amount of press releases & conferences -- and information leaks -- that the media has to handle. This article examines & analyses how the Swedish Government Offices, through new posts, units & strategies, has institutionalized & centralized its' media contacts during the last 40 years, as well as the reasons & the internal consequences of this development. Adapted from the source document.

Coalition formation in a new municipal parliamentary landscape. Pragmatism in policy-related windows of opportunities Coalition building in Swedish municipalities has traditionally been dominated by two political blocks at the opposite sides of the ideological left–right scale (Bäck 2003; Wångmar 2006). The success of the Sweden Democrats in the last elections have challenged that pattern. Statistics on coalition formation since the 2014 election indicate that the traditional policy scale no longer dominates local government. Coalitions of parties closely situated next to each other on the left–right scale are not as common as before. Interviews with 19 leading politicians in five Swedish municipalities that formed majority coalitions, including parties on the left as well as the right block, indicate that neither the traditional left–right scale nor the GAL–TAN dimension played a decisive role in these coalition formation processes. Instead, the ability of political parties to cooperate within the coalitions and building on personal chemistry, was considered the most important factor in the coalition building process on the municipal level. ; Sociologisk Forsknings digitala arkiv

Diversas condiciones de trabajo influyen directamente en la carga laboral, tanto en docentes de educación media como en los universitarios, lo que tiene un impacto negativo en su calidad de vida, es por ello relevante una mayor concientización respecto al contexto y condiciones de trabajo y la necesidad de implementar cambios en los ambientes laborales. Este artículo presenta los resultados obtenidos a partir de una revisión bibliográfica llevada a cabo entre junio de 2020 y septiembre de 2020. El objetivo fue analizar los efectos de la carga laboral sobre la calidad de vida de docentes universitarios y de enseñanza media, según estudios publicados en diferentes bases de datos, para lo cual se realizaron búsquedas a través de la utilización de las palabras clave: work overload and teacher y sobrecarga laboral en profesores. Los principales resultados arrojaron una alta carga laboral asociada a múltiples responsabilidades emanadas desde la dirección de las instituciones educativas, lo que genera falta de tiempo para la vida personal, riesgos psicosociales relacionados con estrés y afectaciones físicas; y no se encontraron diferencias significativas según el país de origen de los estudios analizados, los que incluyen artículos realizados en los continentes de Europa, Asia y América.

De senaste åren har sjukförsäkringen utvecklats i en åtstramande riktning utan att någon ändring av socialförsäkringsbalken har skett. Tidigare forskning har fokuserat på regeringens styrning mot ett sjukpenningtal på 9,0 som förklaring till Försäkringskassans förändrade tillämpning. Inom ramen för denna förklaring har även aktiveringspolitikens påverkan på styrningen lyfts fram. I denna artikel argumenterar jag för att det inte endast är regeringens styrning och aktiveringspolitiken som påverkat Försäkringskassans interna styrning, utan också en självideologi hos myndigheten som ligger i linje med ett ämbetsmannastatligt etos. Artikeln undersöker detta genom att göra en åtskillnad mellan enkelt respektivekvalificerat handlingsutrymme hos förvaltningen. Artikeln driver tesen att förändringen inom sjukförsäkringen har sin grund i en kombination av en ämbetsmannastatlig idé om relationen mellan politik och förvaltning (utövandet av ett kvalificerat handlingsutrymme) och en aktiveringspolitisk idé om relationen mellan stat och individ. ; Since the first two decades of the 21st century the Swedish social insurance system has evolved in a more restrictive direction without any corresponding change in the law. Previous research has mainly focused on the government's steering towards a sickness benefit ratio of 9.0 as an explanation to the changed enforcement of the system. Within the framework of this explanation, the activation policy has also been highlighted as a form of meta-ideology that has influenced the governance. This article argues that it's not only the government's control of activation policy that governs the actions of the Swedish social insurance agency, but also a specific ethos of the bureaucracy which consist of the self- ideology that the agency is the lord of the welfare state, not the server. In order to explore this, the article make a distinction between two types of discretion of the bureaucracy, and argue that the change in the Swedish social ...