In his book author explains social and political phenomena that are connected with political change in local conditions in Poland in 1989. As yet there has been no empirical study that would consider first partly free election to the last parliament of People's Republic of Poland in local conditions. In 1989 there were 108 electoral constituencies in Poland to the Sejm elections, and free election to the Senate were conducted in 49 provinces of Poland. Chojnice was a capital city of election constituency no. 14 to the Sejm and a part of election to the Senate conducted in Bydgoszcz Province. As over the time social issues are perceived through stereotypes and tend to be mythologized, it seems important to author to show such events and phenomena on firm basis. It is worth emphasizing that results from 1989 elections in local conditions are generally unknown. Poles do not know results in their local constituencies because nearly thirty years after the elections official results from local constituencies still have not been not published anywhere. Thus, this study is based on primary sources, newspapers from that time, literature of this particular issue. The analysis and synthesis is based on a number of theoretical perspectives: behaviorism to describe interaction between political actors – electoral system – party systems; political process and political change; Joseph Schumpeter's assumption that political competition is of fundamental importance for the democracy; Samuel Huntington's theory of third wave of democratization. All the data is analyzed in quantitative perspective. There is no hypothesis as the study is a descriptive and explanatory one. Its main goal is to highlight earlier unknown phenomena. This study is about local politics in a one-party state during the time of political change, so author refers to the politics on state level from that time. The most important questions refer to: continuity of activity of new social movement members from the time of the carnival of Chojnice "Solidarity" in the years 1980-1981 and their involvement in 1989; political negotiations and emergence of political leaders during that time; political will of citizens to take part in political change and their will to change the political system; attitudes of political actors from PUWP and "Solidarity"; individual nature of facts from that time taken under consideration from the perspective of local reality; attitudes of local regime members towards political change; results of elections in Chojnice constituency on 4th and 18th June 1989; differentiation of political behavior in Chojnice constituency; picture of society of that time; influence of cultural and ethnical identity as well as people's ties (mainly with Catholic Church) and roots on their political choices. Political behavior is one of the main category of this study. Author highlights not only electoral system but also describes process of political leaders' emergence on local scale. In this perspective election campaign is portrayed as a political fight between candidates of Citizen Committee of "Solidarity" and candidates of Polish United Worker's Party (PUWP) and its political satellites. As a matter of fact, author stresses the importance of category of the legitimization and shows that members of PUWP (in Poland known as PZPR) were not totally delegitimized by citizens in 1989 election in Chojnice constituency. In fact, PUWP was mostly legitimized by Poles in the northern part of Bydgoszcz Province during that election. The study consists of the following parts: introduction, 8 chapters, summary, bibliography, index and appendix. The first chapter describes electoral system and law that was enforced in 1989. The second one analyzes political climate and political situation around elections to the Sejm and the Senate. The third chapter is also mostly analytical one. Author describes local communists apparatchiks' attitude towards political change. The fourth chapter shows the process of political leaders emergence from both sides of the political conflict. The fifth chapter describes personal features of candidates to the Sejm and the Senate. The sixth chapter shows election campaign. The seventh one shows election results. The eighth chapter describes political attitudes and behavior of citizens in Chojnice constituency. In the appendix readers may find results from constituency districts of Chojnice town, and Chojnice country. As a result of this study some unexpected conclusions emerged after empirical study, for example: one of the most prominent one is that citizens of People's Republic of Poland do not reject totally PUWP and its monopoly for power and authority; paradoxically candidates from "Solidarity" movement were not selected as democratically as candidates from PUWP ; deep differences in political attitudes in Chojnice constituency depended on the scale of people's religiousness and the tradition of political opposition in town, as well as on ethnic groups; the highest support for political change was among Kashubians, whereas the lowest in the groups called Krajniacy and Borowiacy. ; Monografia powstała ona w wyniku analizy procesu wyborczego tzw. przełomu politycznego związanego z wyborami czerwcowymi 1989 r. Jest to studium zdarzeń i zjawisk z tamtego okresu, z okręgu wyborczego nr 14 Chojnice, który to okręg do Sejmu PRL obejmował w wyborach kontaktowych całą północną część województwa bydgoskiego i był jednym ze 108 takich okręgów w Polsce. W książce przedstawiono zarówno genezę decyzji politycznych stojących za wyborem przedterminowych wyborów w 1989 r. przez reżim komunistyczny, jak i między innymi proces wyłaniania liderów na listy wyborcze. Zaprezentowano postawy polityczne, kontekst społeczno-polityczny, stanowisko lokalnych struktur Polskiej Zjednoczonej Partii Robotniczej i jej działaczy wobec perspektywy głębokich przemian politycznych, które zapowiadały wybory czerwcowe, jak i też zaprezentowano reakcje powyborcze chojnickich komunistów. Dokonano także analizy porównawczej, według podstawowej jednostki jaką była gmina, ukazując zróżnicowanie postaw również w odniesieniu do przynależności etnograficznej wyborców w okręgu wyborczym nr 14. Analizie poddano także wybory do Senatu, koncentrując się na przebiegu kampanii, kandydatach oraz wynikach z terenu północnej części województwa bydgoskiego. Całość studium jest wynikiem analizy materiałów źródłowych - tj. dokumentów Państwowej Komisji Wyborczej, Rady Państwa oraz Komitetu Miejskiego PZPR w Chojnicach i Komitetu Gminnego PZPR w Chojnicach oraz relacji i wspomnień.
The main aim of the article is to present and analyze the evolution of Greek policy towards the Balkans from the end of the Cold War to the present day. The article uses the chronological-descriptive method and a case study. The article indicates that initially Greek policy in the region was reactive, conservative, nationalist, and based on cooperation with the Serbian government of Milosevich, which led to the marginalization of its importance in the Balkans. Only the Europeanization of Greek politics and the reliance on Euro- Atlantic structures strengthens Athens' position among its Balkan neighbors. Undoubtedly, the financial crisis hampered the effectiveness of Greece's Balkan policy, which is currently ambitiously rebuilding its image as an advocate of the Balkan states in the EU and NATO.
The paper presents the scope and scale of transformation of the defense industries of Central Eastern Europe (CEE) countries after the end of the Cold War and the collapse of the USSR. The starting point is the role and position of the armaments economy sector (armaments economy environment), embedded in the realities of the centrally planned economy, and its submission to the politics of the USSR. The turn of the centuries was a period of political and economic transformation conducted during the conditions of a deep economic recession. The defense industry was one of the economic sectors most affected by the crisis. The economic and defense policy of CEE countries was aimed at preserving the capabilities of the armaments sector. Restructuring activities initiated and forced by the change of the political and economic environment have already brought noticeable effects, even though the process has not yet been completed. Defense industry enterprises have become entities operating on the same terms and conditions as other companies on the competitive market. The method of comparative analysis and a case study supplemented with elements of descriptive statistics were used to evaluate the course of the processes. The study has been focused on the analysis of the course of the changes and examination of effects of the analyzed phenomena for the economy and defense of the CEE countries, taking into account primarily their scale and scope.
The main goal of this study is the verification of a hypothesis/idea of centralized personalization during Polish electoral campaigns. Because of its goal and implemented methodology, such research project is unique among research presented in scientific literature thus far. The work has a descriptive character; it is congruent with treatments from the field of political communication, combining approaches of communicology and political science, in that it expresses an attempt to include in the analysis the circumstances of election campaign personalization and factors specific to mediacentric and political -scientific perspectives, as well as because of the fact of recognizing media content in political party communication. Election communication research includes six Polish parliamentary elections from the years 1993—2001. Along with an analysis of communiqué contents, published in information media, as well as communiqué prepared by political subjects contending in the elections, basic analysis methods within the study are historical-comparative and statistical data analyses. The specific objectives of the treatment are: — Description of circumstances of the political communication personalization thesis on the level of mediatization of politics and political campaign professionalization theories; — Analysis of the trend occurrence and characteristics of the electoral campaign personalization trend based on empirical research conducted in western-European parliamentary democracies; — Recognition of conditions of electoral campaign personalization in parliamentary elections in Poland; — Analysis of the trend occurrence and characteristics of media personalization in Polish electoral campaigns based on opinion-forming press research; — Analysis of the trend occurrence and characteristics of strategic personalization in Polish electoral campaigns based on political TV advertisement research.
International security is one of the main areas of interest of European Union countries. It results from intensifying global phenomena such as population growth, degradation of the natural environment or the growing interdependence between countries, which is an effect of closer cooperation. The progressive liberalization of international activities has also forced member states to take greater control over the flow of agri-food products in increasingly developed supply chains. It is connected with, among others, the deterioration in their nutritional value and healthful quality, which could be prejudicial to people's health. Hence, it has become extremely important to develop solutions to ensure not only physical and economic access to food, but also that its quality meets certain standards. Not ensuring it may reduce access to food products and, in extreme situations, can even lead to the death of consumers. The aim of the study is to indicate the essence of the problem of food security and to identify how member states are dealing with it. The essence and outline of the evolution of the concept of food security and its current perception will be presented. In addition, factors which destabilize food security and the actions of EU countries aimed at preserving it will be indicated. The study uses a descriptive method and a critical analysis of the literature. ; Bezpieczeństwo międzynarodowe należy do głównych zainteresowań państw Unii Europejskiej. Wynika to m.in. z nasilania się globalnych zjawisk takich jak: dodatni przyrost liczby ludności, degradacja środowiska naturalnego czy coraz większa współzależność między krajami, będąca efektem pogłębianej kooperacji. Postępująca liberalizacja działalności międzynarodowej zmusiła państwa członkowskie do skrupulatniejszej kontroli przepływów produktów rolno-spożywczych w coraz bardziej rozbudowanych łańcuchach dostaw. Ma to związek m.in. z zagrażającym zdrowiu, a nawet życiu ludzi pogorszeniem ich jakości odżywczo-zdrowotnej. Dlatego niezmiernie ważne stało się opracowanie rozwiązań skupiających się nie tylko na zapewnianiu fizycznego i ekonomicznego dostępu do żywności, lecz również na spełnianiu przez nią określonych standardów gwarantujących jej jakość. Celem opracowania jest wskazanie istoty problemu bezpieczeństwa żywnościowego oraz przedstawienie sposobu, w jaki kraje członkowskie zaangażowały się w jego rozwiązywanie. W związku z tym zarysowano ewolucję koncepcji bezpieczeństwa żywnościowego oraz jego percepcję, a także wskazano czynniki destabilizujące bezpieczeństwo żywnościowe oraz działania państw UE mające na celu jego zachowanie. W opracowaniu posłużono się metodą opisową oraz krytyczną analizą literatury.
International security is one of the main areas of interest of European Union countries. It results from intensifying global phenomena such as population growth, degradation of the natural environment or the growing interdependence between countries, which is an effect of closer cooperation. The progressive liberalization of international activities has also forced member states to take greater control over the flow of agri-food products in increasingly developed supply chains. It is connected with, among others, the deterioration in their nutritional value and healthful quality, which could be prejudicial to people's health. Hence, it has become extremely important to develop solutions to ensure not only physical and economic access to food, but also that its quality meets certain standards. Not ensuring it may reduce access to food products and, in extreme situations, can even lead to the death of consumers. The aim of the study is to indicate the essence of the problem of food security and to identify how member states are dealing with it. The essence and outline of the evolution of the concept of food security and its current perception will be presented. In addition, factors which destabilize food security and the actions of EU countries aimed at preserving it will be indicated. The study uses a descriptive method and a critical analysis of the literature. ; Bezpieczeństwo międzynarodowe należy do głównych zainteresowań państw Unii Europejskiej. Wynika to m.in. z nasilania się globalnych zjawisk takich jak: dodatni przyrost liczby ludności, degradacja środowiska naturalnego czy coraz większa współzależność między krajami, będąca efektem pogłębianej kooperacji. Postępująca liberalizacja działalności międzynarodowej zmusiła państwa członkowskie do skrupulatniejszej kontroli przepływów produktów rolno-spożywczych w coraz bardziej rozbudowanych łańcuchach dostaw. Ma to związek m.in. z zagrażającym zdrowiu, a nawet życiu ludzi pogorszeniem ich jakości odżywczo-zdrowotnej. Dlatego niezmiernie ważne stało się opracowanie rozwiązań skupiających się nie tylko na zapewnianiu fizycznego i ekonomicznego dostępu do żywności, lecz również na spełnianiu przez nią określonych standardów gwarantujących jej jakość. Celem opracowania jest wskazanie istoty problemu bezpieczeństwa żywnościowego oraz przedstawienie sposobu, w jaki kraje członkowskie zaangażowały się w jego rozwiązywanie. W związku z tym zarysowano ewolucję koncepcji bezpieczeństwa żywnościowego oraz jego percepcję, a także wskazano czynniki destabilizujące bezpieczeństwo żywnościowe oraz działania państw UE mające na celu jego zachowanie. W opracowaniu posłużono się metodą opisową oraz krytyczną analizą literatury.
Chojnice's June '89. The local study of the shockwave process of democratization In his book author explains social and political phenomena that are connec-ted with political change in local conditions in Poland in 1989. As yet there has beenno empirical study that would consider first partly free election to the last parliamentof People's Republic of Poland in local conditions. In 1989 there were 108 electoralconstituencies in Poland to the Sejm elections, and free election to the Senate wereconducted in 49 provinces of Poland. Chojnice was a capital city of election constitu-ency no. 14 to the Sejm and a part of election to the Senate conducted in BydgoszczProvince. As over the time social issues are perceived through stereotypes and tendto be mythologized, it seems important to author to show such events and pheno-mena on firm basis. It is worth emphasizing that results from 1989 elections in localconditions are generally unknown. Poles do not know results in their local constitu-encies because nearly thirty years after the elections official results from local con-stituencies still have not been not published anywhere. Thus, this study is based onprimary sources, newspapers from that time, literature of this particular issue. The analysis and synthesis is based on a number of theoretical perspectives: behaviorismto describe interaction between political actors – electoral system – party systems;political process and political change; Joseph Schumpeter's assumption that politicalcompetition is of fundamental importance for the democracy; Samuel Huntington'stheory of third wave of democratization. All the data is analyzed in quantitativeperspective. There is no hypothesis as the study is a descriptive and explanatoryone. Its main goal is to highlight earlier unknown phenomena. This study is aboutlocal politics in a one-party state during the time of political change, so author refersto the politics on state level from that time. The most important questions refer to:continuity of activity of new social movement members from the time of the carni- val of Chojnice "Solidarity" in the years 1980-1981 and their involvement in 1989;political negotiations and emergence of political leaders during that time; politicalwill of citizens to take part in political change and their will to change the politicalsystem; attitudes of political actors from PUWP and "Solidarity"; individual natureof facts from that time taken under consideration from the perspective of local reali-ty; attitudes of local regime members towards political change; results of elections inChojnice constituency on 4th and 18th June 1989; differentiation of political behaviorin Chojnice constituency; picture of society of that time; influence of cultural andethnical identity as well as people's ties (mainly with Catholic Church) and roots ontheir political choices.Political behavior is one of the main category of this study. Author highlightsnot only electoral system but also describes process of political leaders' emergenceon local scale. In this perspective election campaign is portrayed as a political fightbetween candidates of Citizen Committee of "Solidarity" and candidates of PolishUnited Worker's Party (PUWP) and its political satellites. As a matter of fact, authorstresses the importance of category of the legitimization and shows that members ofPUWP (in Poland known as PZPR) were not totally delegitimized by citizens in 1989election in Chojnice constituency. In fact, PUWP was mostly legitimized by Poles inthe northern part of Bydgoszcz Province during that election.The study consists of the following parts: introduction, 8 chapters, summary,bibliography, index and appendix.The first chapter describes electoral system and law that was enforced in 1989.The second one analyzes political climate and political situation around elec-tions to the Sejm and the Senate.The third chapter is also mostly analytical one. Author describes local com-munists apparatchiks' attitude towards political change.The fourth chapter shows the process of political leaders emergence fromboth sides of the political conflict.The fifthh chapter describes personal features of candidates to the Sejm andthe Senate.The sixth chapter shows election campaign.The seventh one shows election results.The eighth chapter describes political attitudes and behavior of citizens inChojnice constituency.In the appendix readers may find results from constituency districts of Choj-nice town, and Chojnice country.As a result of this study some unexpected conclusions emerged aer empi-rical study, for example: one of the most prominent one is that citizens of People'sRepublic of Poland do not reject totally PUWP and its monopoly for power andauthority; paradoxically candidates from "Solidarity" movement were not selectedas democratically as candidates from PUWP ; deep differences in political attitudesin Chojnice constituency depended on the scale of people's religiousness and thetradition of political opposition in town, as well as on ethnic groups; the highest su-pport for political change was among Kashubians, whereas the lowest in the groupscalled Krajniacy and Borowiacy.
In his book author explains social and political phenomena that are connected with political change in local conditions in Poland in 1989. As yet there has been no empirical study that would consider first partly free election to the last parliament of People's Republic of Poland in local conditions. In 1989 there were 108 electoral constituencies in Poland to the Sejm elections, and free election to the Senate were conducted in 49 provinces of Poland. Chojnice was a capital city of election constituency no. 14 to the Sejm and a part of election to the Senate conducted in Bydgoszcz Province. As over the time social issues are perceived through stereotypes and tend to be mythologized, it seems important to author to show such events and phenomena on firm basis. It is worth emphasizing that results from 1989 elections in local conditions are generally unknown. Poles do not know results in their local constituencies because nearly thirty years after the elections official results from local constituencies still have not been not published anywhere. Thus, this study is based on primary sources, newspapers from that time, literature of this particular issue. The analysis and synthesis is based on a number of theoretical perspectives: behaviorism to describe interaction between political actors – electoral system – party systems; political process and political change; Joseph Schumpeter's assumption that political competition is of fundamental importance for the democracy; Samuel Huntington's theory of third wave of democratization. All the data is analyzed in quantitative perspective. There is no hypothesis as the study is a descriptive and explanatory one. Its main goal is to highlight earlier unknown phenomena. This study is about local politics in a one-party state during the time of political change, so author refers to the politics on state level from that time. The most important questions refer to: continuity of activity of new social movement members from the time of the carnival of Chojnice "Solidarity" in the years 1980-1981 and their involvement in 1989; political negotiations and emergence of political leaders during that time; political will of citizens to take part in political change and their will to change the political system; attitudes of political actors from PUWP and "Solidarity"; individual nature of facts from that time taken under consideration from the perspective of local reality; attitudes of local regime members towards political change; results of elections in Chojnice constituency on 4th and 18th June 1989; differentiation of political behavior in Chojnice constituency; picture of society of that time; influence of cultural and ethnical identity as well as people's ties (mainly with Catholic Church) and roots on their political choices. Political behavior is one of the main category of this study. Author highlights not only electoral system but also describes process of political leaders' emergence on local scale. In this perspective election campaign is portrayed as a political fight between candidates of Citizen Committee of "Solidarity" and candidates of Polish United Worker's Party (PUWP) and its political satellites. As a matter of fact, author stresses the importance of category of the legitimization and shows that members of PUWP (in Poland known as PZPR) were not totally delegitimized by citizens in 1989 election in Chojnice constituency. In fact, PUWP was mostly legitimized by Poles in the northern part of Bydgoszcz Province during that election. The study consists of the following parts: introduction, 8 chapters, summary, bibliography, index and appendix. The first chapter describes electoral system and law that was enforced in 1989. The second one analyzes political climate and political situation around elections to the Sejm and the Senate. The third chapter is also mostly analytical one. Author describes local communists apparatchiks' attitude towards political change. The fourth chapter shows the process of political leaders emergence from both sides of the political conflict. The fifth chapter describes personal features of candidates to the Sejm and the Senate. The sixth chapter shows election campaign. The seventh one shows election results. The eighth chapter describes political attitudes and behavior of citizens in Chojnice constituency. In the appendix readers may find results from constituency districts of Chojnice town, and Chojnice country. As a result of this study some unexpected conclusions emerged after empirical study, for example: one of the most prominent one is that citizens of People's Republic of Poland do not reject totally PUWP and its monopoly for power and authority; paradoxically candidates from "Solidarity" movement were not selected as democratically as candidates from PUWP ; deep differences in political attitudes in Chojnice constituency depended on the scale of people's religiousness and the tradition of political opposition in town, as well as on ethnic groups; the highest support for political change was among Kashubians, whereas the lowest in the groups called Krajniacy and Borowiacy.
Research objective: The aim of the paper is to identify the economic, political, and social problems surrounding the issue of the British–EU border, taking as theoretical background the concepts and measures of International economics. The research problem and method: The research problem undertaken is the problem of borders within the context of disintegration. The research methods used were the analytical-descriptive method, comparative method, and case study. The process of argumentation: Currently, in the European Union we observe two parallel processes; on one hand the process of enlargement by accepting new members, on the other the process of its disintegration, which is exemplified in the United Kingdom exit. Although in the light of current political turmoil it cannot be ruled out that another EU member will leave the EU, e.g. Italy, long-term integration tendencies seem to be more permanent than disintegrative ones. Research results: With regard to the causes and causative forces of both these opposing processes, one may risk the assertion that while the underlying economic processes are based more on economic reasons, in the case of disintegration the political motives prevail. Both historical disintegration experiments as well as those concerning Brexit, which the political motives (referendum) decided unambiguously, lead to such conclusions. Conclusions, innovations, and recommendations: The border issue requires an interdisciplinary approach, which in the economic aspect is placed within the framework of international economics, particularly the theory of integration and trade policy. It also requires analysis in the light of regional policy, especially if cross-border economic cooperation is analyzed. ; CEL NAUKOWY: Celem artykułu jest identyfikacja ekonomicznych, politycznych oraz społecznych problemów związanych z granicą brytyjsko‑unijną, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem granicy wewnątrzirlandzkiej. PROBLEM I METODY BADAWCZE: Przedmiotem niniejszego tekstu jest zagadnienie granicy rozpatrywane w kontekście dezintegracji na przykładzie brexitu. Zastosowano głównie metodę analityczno‑opisową oraz porównawczą, a także studium przypadku. PROCES WYWODU: W artykule przedstawiono zagadnienie granicy w świetle teorii ekonomii międzynarodowej, następnie scharakteryzowano specyfikę granicy brytyjsko‑unijnej ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem granicy z Irlandią Północną, a następnie opisano brytyjsko‑irlandzką transgraniczną współpracę gospodarczą w kontekście jej uwarunkowań historycznych. WYNIKI ANALIZY NAUKOWEJ: Autor odpowiada na pytanie, jaką funkcję ekonomiczną w świetle teorii pełni granica międzypaństwowa w procesie dezintegracji gospodarczej, mając na uwadze jej rolę w procesie integracji, a szerzej patrząc w międzynarodowych stosunkach gospodarczych. WNIOSKI, INNOWACJE, REKOMENDACJE: W międzynarodowych stosunkach gospodarczych granice międzypaństwowe odgrywają bardzo ważną rolę, ponieważ współokreślają instytucjonalne warunki internacjonalizacji gospodarek narodowych oraz funkcjonujących w nich przedsiębiorstw, a także determinują rozwój społeczeństw po obu stronach granicy.
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