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The author reviews the theory of socio-economic inequality in health & concludes that the use of cultural values to explain the ubiquitous association between the socio-economic standing (SES) of individuals & their health is becoming increasingly prominent. Inspired by this, the author examines whether & to what extent several aspects of lay knowledge about & attitudes towards health can explain the social gradient in subjective health in Central & Eastern Europe. The author uses data from the second round of the European Social Survey & limits the analysis to data from the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia, & Slovenia. The data show that while there is a strong relationship between education & subjective health & also a relationship between education & various measures of lay knowledge about health, beliefs about health are only very weakly related to subjective health & thus fail to account for its dependence on SES. The author concludes that this may be the result of reciprocal causation between lay knowledge & subjective health. More enhanced research designs would be required in order to gain a better empirical evaluation of the causal relationships between SES, lay knowledge, & health.

In this contribution, we compare the correlation of supply & demand shocks for the countries of the euro zone & the acceding countries in Central Europe. Demand & supply shocks are recovered from estimated structural VAR models of output growth & inflation in individual countries. We find that Poland & Hungary face already a comparably high similarity with the countries of the current euro zone. However, the remaining countries show still significant differences in business cycles as compared to the euro zone. This is likely to indicate that the loss of monetary sovereignty may be costly. In turn, the integration is expected to align the business cycles of these countries in the medium run. We document a similar development for the countries of the European Union in the 1990s. 4 Figures, 22 References. Adapted from the source document.

This article discusses the results of the French referendum in May 2005 which was very important for the ratification of the European constitution. It first describes the rules of referendum in the French political system of the Fifth Republic & then goes on to analyze the stances taken by the French political parties & their main representatives in the 2005 referendum. The results of the referendum are analyzed in connection with geographical areas & compared with the results of the referendum in 1992. In selected departments the results of the referendum are also compared with the results of the French presidential elections in 1995 & 2002. Tables, Graphs, 3 Maps, References. Adapted from the source document.

Kvalitu veřejné správy lze definovat jako stupeň splnění požadavků občanů na kvalitu života v jejich komunitě, regionu či národa. Pokud se podíváme na vývoj ukazatelů kvality správy, vidíme značné rozdíly nejen mezi jednotlivými zeměmi, ale také uvnitř těchto zemí. Navzdory těmto zjištěním, je tato oblast stále velmi málo prozkoumána. Současné průzkumy jsou založeny na předpokladu, že rozdíly na národní úrovni jsou významnější než rozdíly regionální a že rozdíl v kvalitě správy v evropských zemích jsou velmi malé. Tento dokument analyzuje pravděpodobně jediný přístup k posuzování kvality veřejné správy na regionální úrovni. Analýzou indikátoru The European Quality of Governance Index byly zjištěny významné rozdíly v regionální kvalitě veřejné správy. U některých zemích je hodnocení kvality správy na národní úrovni velmi zavádějící, jelikož jeho sub-národní posouzení se může v některých regionech výrazně liší. ; Quality of governance could be defined as the degree of fulfillment of the requirements of citizens for the quality of life in their community, region or nation. If we have a look at the development of any indicators of quality of governance, we can see significant differences not only between countries, but also within these countries. In spite of these findings, this field is still very little explored. Current surveys are based on assumptions that differences at the national level are more significant than the regional differences and that difference in the quality of governance across the European countries are very small. This paper analyzes probably the only approach for assessing the quality of governance on the regional level. Using European Quality of Governance Index were revealed significant differences in the regional quality of governance in some European countries. For some states the evaluation of national-level quality of governance is very misleading, as its sub-national assessment may differ considerably in some regions. National variability data may exhibit even a higher degree than the variability international in some cases.

The article deals with an analysis of regional differences in rental housing affordability following rent deregulation in the Czech Republic. The objective is to identify the types of households potentially at risk of being unable to afford housing, to map the development of potential housing (un)affordability since 2000, and to trace the development of regional differences in the percentage of at-risk households in the Czech Republic. Owing to the absence of useful aggregate data on incomes and expenditures for different household types in the regions of the Czech Republic, the authors created their own simulation methodology for measuring housing affordability, which uses available regional wage statistics and data on market rents. The results indicate that the general risk of being unable to afford rental housing and regional differences in housing affordability are both decreasing, but there is still a relatively large group of households that under current wage conditions for paying social benefi ts would be unable to afford to pay market rents.

The article aims to identify the development phases in the process of the regional differentiation in the Czech Republic after 1989, & examines whether this differentiation trend is currently changing. The assumption the article's hypothesis is based on is that during recent development the basic 'parameters' of the principal features of the country's regional structure have been stabilized amidst the conditions of parliamentary democracy & a market economy. Unlike the first phases of socio- economic transition, when differentiating trends prevailed, a certain degree of stabilization can now be assumed, alongside the emergence of new trends. The development of regional differences was analyzed using indicators of GDP, the unemployment rate, entrepreneurial activity, & tax revenue from self- employed physical persons. The findings show that over the course of the 1990s regional differences intensified at both the mezo- regional (regional) level & the micro- regional level. It was also confirmed that at the turn of the millennium the phase of divergent regional development ended, & since that time regional differences have hovered around the same level.

The objective of this article is to contribute to the analysis of the factors that influence the educational aspirations of boys & girls in the Czech Republic & vertical inequality in the Czech education system. Drawing on Mateju & Strakova's monograph Unequal Chances in Education, the authors enhance the discussion with a look at the gender aspect of choices of educational trajectory. The authors review existing theories to present the main arguments from research on educational aspirations by gender. They point out the ambiguity of studies to date on the effect of gender in the education system, as they have often arrived at contradictory findings. The authors look at the theories in which the differences in educational aspirations are related to gender & the theoretical & empirical arguments that reject gender as a category for distinguishing educational aspirations. The authors summarize the research to date on gender segregation in the education system, & then offer their own conclusions, based on a secondary analysis of data from the PISA-L in 2003. Their results reveal, in conformity with the analysis by Mateju & Strakova, that while according to these analyses gender does not have an effect on differences in the educational aspirations of boys & girls, it does have an effect on some aspects of the resulting segregation of the education system & thus on a student's choice of secondary school.

The study focuses on spatial analysis of the general election results in Lower Silesia, Lodz and Lesser Poland voivodeships in a period between 2001 and 2015. Primary subjects of the analysis are political parties Law and Justice, Civic Platform, Polish People´s Party and Democratic Left Alliance, but particularly works also with the results of another parties (Self-Defence, League of Polish families, Modern). Standard electoral geography methodological methods, such as cartographic display of election results, correlation analysis and concentration of the election results measurement have been used on the local level and along with Polish and Czech literature review are included in the study. Main goal of the study was to find out if there are structural differences in terms of electoral support for the parties on both regional and voivodeship level. The analysis proved deeper context of the election results in the eastern regions along with a changing spatial structure of the Law and Justice support in the first decade of the 21st century and related deepening differences between voter bases of the Law and Justice and the Civic Platform- strongest parties in Poland. Findings of the analysis might be useful for upcoming research of the analysis of the electoral support in terms of regional differences.

The article focuses on the differences in political participation among post-communist countries. First, it explores the variation in the level of political participation among post-communist states. Second, it deals with the differences in the determinants that account for political participation in individual countries. The second objective is met by introducing a three-dimensional explanatory model of political participation: individual resources, motivations, and social networks. In an empirical analysis political participation in nine post-communist countries is examined using data from the International Social Survey Programme 2004. Results show that the countries under study vary in the level of political participation both at the aggregate and individual levels. The most active citizens are in the former East Germany and Slovakia. Polish and Hungarian citizens participate in politics the least. Further, two modes of political participation – protest activity and contacting – are identified and used as dependent variables in further analysis. In the second part of the article, the explanatory model is tested against data from individual countries. The analysis shows that there is a difference in the factors that account for political participation in various post-communist countries. Generally, the three-level model of political participation works best in Hungary, Bulgaria, and East Germany. It explains very little variation in Russia and Poland.

The article focuses on an analysis of the professions of Czech deputies in the interwar period and in the period after 1989. Based on the theoretical framework of representation we assume that voting decisions are influenced not only by party electoral programs, but also by the individual characteristics of candidates. Candidate professions may indicate whether they are considered to be sufficiently qualified and whether they are considered to represent the interests of voters. The aim of the article is to analyse the differences between two historical periods and the differences among parliamentary parties. The analysis proved that the structure of professions of parliamentary representatives changed dramatically over time. The professions of representatives in the interwar period tended to resemble the professions of their core voters, and hence were rather different across political parties. In contrast, the professions of parliamentary representatives elected on the party list of different parties became rather similar after 1989. A clear tendency towards the emergence of professional politicians can be observed. A descriptive type of representation is on the decline. ; The article focuses on an analysis of the professions of Czech deputies in the interwar period and in the period after 1989. Based on the theoretical framework of representation we assume that voting decisions are influenced not only by party electoral programs, but also by the individual characteristics of candidates. Candidate professions may indicate whether they are considered to be sufficiently qualified and whether they are considered to represent the interests of voters. The aim of the article is to analyse the differences between two historical periods and the differences among parliamentary parties. The analysis proved that the structure of professions of parliamentary representatives changed dramatically over time. The professions of representatives in the interwar period tended to resemble the professions of their core voters, and ...

Despite a consensus on the benefits of liberal international economic regimes, there are important differences in the perspectives of different actors. This article deals with two ideal types of perspectives on international trade liberalization. The first of them is the liberal perspective, & the second is the perspective of economic nationalism. Differences can be found in a number of aspects. We discuss the perception of comparative advantage, economic growth & its determinants, the logic of absolute or relative gains from the global economy, I the causal i relationship between the level of economic development & free trade, the issue of competitiveness in the global economy & the problem of existence, & the role of strategic sectors of the economy. If there exist important differences in presumptions, interests & policy preferences between actors, what are the conditions & limits for the perceived compatibility of the defined perspectives? Under which conditions will an individual actor support the progress in the liberalization of world trade & what are the most important risks? How can the past successes in building the liberal economic regimes be interpreted & what are the prospects for the future? This article also attempts to contribute to the discussion of paradigmatic perspectives in the international political economy. Therefore the text confronts the liberal perspective & economic nationalism & discusses some important aspects of these theories. Adapted from the source document.

The transformation of the social institution of the family in an individualised society is tied also to other demands and expectations relating to parenthood, and fatherhood is no exception in this regard. This article focuses on fathers who have accepted the modern norm of fatherhood and have played an active role by personally caring for their children, in particular, as primary carers during their period of parental leave. The entry of fathers into a sphere our culture has traditionally defi ned as belonging to women necessarily raises one basic question – 'What does the experience of caring for their children mean in the minds of fathers?' – which contains an entire series of other more specifi c questions: How do these men interpret fatherhood? Is the experience of caring for their children refl ected in how these men construct gender identities and what does this mean from the perspective of the production of gender and gender relations? Interviews based on a prepared scenario were conducted on a sample of twenty families in which the father had taken parental leave, and the resulting data was analysed with the aid of grounded theory in an effort to answer the questions outlined above. Of particular interest in the analysis are the interpretative frameworks that the actors employ in their perception of experienced reality and to what outcome or how much are common gender perceptions disrupted in their outlook. The author applies the constructivist perspective of making gender, which permits a focus on the similarities and differences between men and women and within those categories. The fi ndings contribute to the understanding of the construction of fatherhood in this group of fathers, of gender and gender relations, and of how gender stereotypes operate on the micro level of Czech society.

The article aims to introduce the model of public diplomacy in the conception of small states, highlighting the key features which fulfill the idea of public diplomacy promoted by these small states. The article looks into how these characteristics are reflected in public diplomacy strategies. The author examines which concrete components of these strategies have direct connection to the public diplomacy model of small states, how strongly these differences are evident in plans for strategies & how deeply these differences can influence the final form of the strategies. In its last part the article also touches on the practice of public diplomacy in the Czech Republic through discussions of key documents, tools used in public diplomacy & the development of institutions. The author tries to reach a conclusion as to whether & how deeply the contemporary practice in the Czech Republic corresponds to the public diplomacy model of small states. Adapted from the source document.

The aim of the article is to otter a theoretically grounded explanation of the long-term continuity of Czech foreign policy. Czech foreign policy displays long-term continuity and consensus at the level of policy, but, at the same time, exhibits deep ideological differences among political and societal elites at the level of politics. The article argues against the mainstream (neo)liberal and (neo)realist theories that explain foreign policy outcomes in pure rationalist and materialist terms. Instead, the text follows the line of the critical constructivist school of International Relations and borrows heavily from post-structuralism. Thus, the article takes into account the ideational background of Czech foreign policy and argues that these deeply seated differences at the level of politics, stemming from mutually contradictory normative, philosophical and political beliefs, are subsequently neutralized by what is called the "hegemonic internationalist discourse". In this context, the article explores the origins, nature and consequences of the power of the hegemonic internationalist discourse. Adapted from the source document.