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En prenant appui sur les théories de l'intersectionnalité et postcoloniales, cet article se propose d'explorer les nouvelles grammaires de l'injustice sociale lorsqu'on prend au sérieux le caractère coextensif du capitalisme, du sexisme et du racisme conçus comme systèmes sociaux globaux et de dégager la signification des luttes sociales qui se développent contre ces injustices. Dans la première partie, en prenant appui sur les analyses de Young concernant les diverses facettes de l'injustice et sur celles de Renault qui propose une problématisation théorique de l'injustice, il est fait mention des procédés de domination/assujettissement qui confortent ces injustices. La deuxième partie s'appuie sur la notion de subjectivation politique développée par Rancière pour soutenir que les mouvements de luttes contre l'injustice ne peuvent se réduire à des mouvements identitaires, même s'ils sont susceptibles de recourir à ce que Spivak qualifie « d'essentialisme stratégique », et relèvent plutôt d'une volonté de rendre le monde véritablement commun. C'est d'ailleurs ce qui explique le recours au langage des droits pour construire ce monde commun en tentant d'échapper aux logiques de la domination.

Applied to Cambodia, the notion of the prebendary state refers to the capacity of political elites to organize the internal market on the basis of concessions reserved for those in their immediate circle and contracts signed with foreign investors entailing the exchange of financial gifts for legal deregulation and the privatization of violence. In the domain of industrial policy, this authoritarian form of patrimonial domination is embodied by special economic zones. These zones underscore the agreements reached between public actors and private investors, the Tayloristic organization of labor within firms and the absence of professional relations. As a result, these zones are very weakly linked to regional development flows in the Mekong Basin, suggesting that the Cambodian case be seen as a degraded instance of 'developmentalism'. Adapted from the source document.

Looking beyond the basic interests of power, Russia's present position in the Middle East can be explained by a rejection of Islamism and Westernism. As radicalism directly threatens the Federation, Moscow has been persuaded to reach out to regimes that fight against it. As a manifestation of the ethnocentrism of democracies which attempt to ensure their domination, Occidentalism pushes Russia to oppose interventionism in the region of Western powers, all the while affirming a civilizational mission. Adapted from the source document.

In France, the DSK scandal made possible in 2011 a new awareness of sexual violence, but also, paradoxically, a controversy regarding seduction -- launched in the name of a so-called "feminism a la francaise", which has been presented since the 1990s as a countermodel to American feminism, accused of conflating violence and seduction. Should feminism, in reaction, abandon seduction to antifeminists? This text explores the opposite approach: thinking about seduction implies moving beyond consent. It is not about the individual, whether free or not, but rather about the subject (in Foucault's sense) constituted through a power relation. Far from denying domination, we must develop erotics exploring this "problem". Politically, a feminist theory of seduction could only make feminism more desirable. Adapted from the source document.

The West made a disastrous error in 2001 when it allowed China to join the World Trade Organization (WTO). As a member, China can apply its strategy of economic warfare, based on the manipulation of its currency. Because of the undervalued yuan, China has stacked up a huge trade surplus. But where there's a surplus in one place, there's a deficit elsewhere. The upshot is that the economies of the United States and the European Union are now largely dependent on decisions made by Beijing. China's goal is very clear, namely to impose its hegemony on the world. Faced with this predator, Americans and Europeans have to take the appropriate measures, especially by heavily taxing products "Made in China". If there is no transatlantic accord, then Europe, whose currency is highly overvalued, should implement a currency policy designed to sharply reduce the value of the euro-and quickly! Adapted from the source document.

This essay provides an introduction to the work of Stuart Hall, including a text of his, hitherto unpublished in French, that may be found below. The work of the leading thinker in the field of Cultural Studies is focused on popular cultures, Margaret Thatcher's authoritarian populism, and the analysis of racism, ethnic identities, and post-colonialism. The text of Hall's published here bears on the third of these three preoccupations. It sketches a theory of ideology and also of racism and puts forward an intersectional analysis of domination. Our introduction sets out to bring Hall's analyses into relation with questions of interest to the human and social sciences today, while showing how Hall's work makes it possible to resolve a number of problems central to the French debate about ideology, racism, and intersectionality. Adapted from the source document.

There is no denying that collective mobilization in Cameroon around the political & economic problems in the country, presided by the same chief of state, Paul Biya, since 1982, is very weak. A "post-authoritarian" regime & the strong political extroversion largely explain the dearth of social movements. The successive triumphs of the single party & its intimacy with the state apparatus have led to the domination of a power wielded by instilling fear. This negative assessment of power struggles between the authorities & any mobilized actors is coupled with a low level of autonomy in selecting & formulating causes to defend. The extroversion of collective action in fact leads to importing causes that are not specific to Cameroon. But appropriation of these causes in political or symbolic terms is prohibited in the post-authoritarian space: The restriction of political time to the here & now & the monopolization of political utterance constitute obstacles that are difficult to overcome to formulate common causes. Lastly, the state's obstruction of external collective actors prevents those who have mobilized from getting involved in public action. Furthermore, they must compete with international actors implicated in political reforms without challenging power relations. Adapted from the source document.

The article questions the 'political Islam' category and looks back at how it has been applied to Morocco. It shows that this category includes not only what is usually referred to as 'Islamic movements' but also other actors, such as the colonial Republic or the Moroccan monarchy which have used Islam in their political strategies of domination. The article also looks at democratic reformism through the example of the Party of Justice and Development (PJD) which has controlled the government since the November 25 elections, but whose role remains limited due to the important powers of the King that are not submitted to any principle of political responsibility. Adapted from the source document.

This paper analyzes the transmission of the leisure associative activities in various family configurations, from about twenty family portraits of children from five to eleven years old. Indeed, even if the model of the omnivore is frequent in the superior classes, the members of these classes do not have all the same relationship to the eclecticism. This research takes back the idea of a division of labor of domination and distinguishes the families of the intellectual occupations and the families of the executives of the private sector. The first ones are characterized by the investment in the recognized cultural practices, the sports activities being more secondary. The seconds invest more the sports world, closer to their professional values. Adapted from the source document.

In 2006, the repression of the teachers' demonstration in the Mexican state of Oaxaca unleashed a long series of protests that culminated in heavy federal police intervention. This revolt followed the intensely contested gubernatorial election of 2004 and denounced the many ongoing authoritarian practices at the subnational level despite the federal transition to democracy. The governor managed to keep his post and headed towards the normal conclusion of his term in December 2010. This paper attempts to explain how this subnational authoritarian enclave survived federal democratization by studying how the local neo-patrimonial domination system managed to adopt formal democratic procedures without calling its authoritarian practices into question. The resulting hybridization process profoundly reformed Oaxaca's political institutions without substantially affecting subnational authoritarianism's social sources. Adapted from the source document.

Les travaux de Pierre Bourdieu ont montré, à l'échelle de la société française, que les groupes économiquement dominants conservaient leur domination en partie parce que leur capital culturel était présenté comme une condition d'accès objectivement nécessaire aux fonctions dirigeantes de l'espace social français. La présente étude apporte des éléments qui tendent à prouver que ces conclusions peuvent être transposées dans l'espace social international. Prenant pour objet principal les Nations Unies, l'étude fait ressortir que le capital culturel propre aux États économiquement dominants (le groupe occidental) est largement surreprésenté au sein de ses dirigeants. Elle montre que cette conclusion peut s'appliquer également à quelques grandes organisations non gouvernementales. L'étude termine en exposant dans quelle mesure le fait de choisir des dirigeants internationaux parmi les personnes qui possèdent du capital culturel occidental constitue une discrimination à l'égard des autres groupes sociaux de la planète.