"Stamped cover letter of the "Pro-Serrano Committee" entitled "File Nº22 "C". Technical and Consulting Election Commission. Building" Two letters from the Chief Secretary of the Pro-Serrano Committee, Gen. Arturo Lazo de la Vega to the Technical and Consulting Election Commission asking for an analysis and decision on the arrest of Mr. Javier M. Erosa, President of the Socialist Party of Yucatán. In order to assist with that matter, he encloses documents send by the treasurer of said party, Mr. Gonzalo Rosel. Likewise, he requests a provision related to the amparo requested by the people of Cautitlán, State of Mexico, who are being persecuted by the authorities. Also Mr. Alberto Noriega asks to be helped with this matter. / Portada con el sello del Comité Pro-Serrano titulada ""Expediente Nº22 ""C"". Comisión Técnica y Consultiva Electoral. Edificio"". Dos cartas del Secretario General del Comité Pro-Serrano, Gral. Arturo Lazo de la Vega a la Comisión Técnica y Consultiva Electoral, pidiendo estudie y dictamine sobre la detención del Sr. Javier M. Erosa, Presidente del Partido Socialista de Yucatán. Al respecto, anexa documentación enviada por el Tesorero de dicho partido, Sr. Gonzalo Rosel. Asimismo, solicita un dictamen relativo al amparo tramitado por los vecinos de Cuautitlán, Estado de México, quienes están siendo perseguidos por las autoridades y el Sr. Alberto Noriega pide se le ayude en este asunto. "
Con la sentencia de la Corte Suprema norteamericana, pronunciada en el Caso Citizens United v. Federal Electoral Commission, de febrero de 2010, el Tribunal Supremo Norteamericano ha revocado un fallo que desde hacía veinte años imponía límites y restringía la capacidad de las empresas y los sindicatos para financiar las campañas electorales de los partidos políticos en las elecciones federales. Esta reñidísima decisión del Supremo intérprete de la Constitución estadounidense, ha supuesto una auténtica convulsión en materian electoral en los Estados Unidos pues anula el fallo emitido veinte años atrás en el Caso Austin v. Cámara de Comercio de Michigan, según el cual, las empresas podían ver limitado el uso de sus fondos con fines políticos para evitar los riesgos de corrupción.Citizens ofrece una visión absolutista de la Primera Enmienda de la Constitución que permite a las empresas gastar sumas ilimitadas de dinero de manera independiente para apoyar u oponerse a candidatos para el cargo, dando carta blanca a la desregularización de la financiación de las campañas electorales y permitiendo a las contribuciones opacas de las empresas sin límite de ningún tipo.With the ruling of the U.S. Supreme Court, pronounced in the case Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission, February 2010, the American Supreme Court has overturned a ruling that for twenty years imposed limits and restricted the ability of firms and unions to finance the election campaigns of political parties in federal elections. This decision of the Supreme interpreter of the U.S. Constitution was a radical upheaval in the U.S. election as the ruling nullifies twenty years ago in Austin v Case. Michigan Chamber of Commerce, according to which companies could have limited the use of their funds for political purposes to avoid the risks of corruption. Citizens offers an absolutist view of the First Amendment of the Constitution that allows companies to spend unlimited amounts of money independently to support or oppose candidates for office, giving ...
Almost two hundred years after the term gerrymandering was first used in Massachusetts, redistricting remains a complex and politicized process that affects the way the legislative branches are conformed and the quality of political representation around the world. In this paper, we describe the redistricting process in California and ask how it would work if it were to be implemented by an independent agent (instead of the local legislature or a bipartisan commission). Using a simulated annealing redistricting algorithm we create a hypothetical scenario that reduces significantly partisan bias in the state. Developed by the Mexican Federal Electoral Institute in 2005, this optimization model allowed us to recreate California's 53 Congressional districts and to analyze their racial and electoral composition. We found systematic evidence that the majority party in local legislature ends up with electoral benefits every time districts are drawn. Adapted from the source document.
The identification and consolidation of human rights standards is part of the work of the European Court of Human Rights. However, the applicability of the European Court's case-law to the construction of common standards in the field of democracy and elections is one of the most difficult areas, as electoral law is generally part of the sovereign choice of the State. The Court has developed a rich case-law on the rights to political participation on the basis of Article 3 to Protocol I. In spite of the particular content of this Article, different of the other rights recognised in the European Convention on Human Rights, there has been a clear evolution towards a protection of both the individual and the dual nature of political rights. This development would have been incomplete without the work and the interactions with the Council of Europe's Venice Commission, which full name is «Commission for Democracy through Law», which largely contributes to the development of standard-setting processes, acting as a catalyser of the States' will to reach a European consensus. The Venice Commission is an international body that has a diplomatic dimension: it must cooperate with States, and, at the same time, it must issue opinions and recommendations that are not always easy to implement (and not always followed) at the national level. This paper focuses on the complex role played by the European Court of Human Rights and the Venice Commission in successfully setting common European standards and good practices in the field of elections. This article explores first the hard law standards as developed by the European Court of Human Rights in its case-law in the field of elections. It further examines the role of the Venice Commission and its working methods when identifying soft law standards in the electoral field and how, through its interactions with the Court, reinforces these standards and hard law standards to promote an electoral ius commune. ; La identificación y consolidación de los estándares de derechos ...
Analyzes political reform, increased political participation, & the changing electorate that resulted in the 1997 election of Cuauhtemoc Cardenas as mayor of Mexico City, & the future impacts his opposition party rule will have on the city's electoral behavior. The 1996 constitutional reforms are reviewed in terms of their effectiveness in ensuring fair elections, highlighting campaign finance reforms & the creation of watchdog commissions. The election results from the last four mayoral elections (1988-1997) are charted according to party; results show a rapid gain by Cardenas's opposition party since the 1996 reforms. It is suggested that the continued democratization of the city's electoral process depends on Cardenas's ability to maintain an open & credible administration that remains consistent, if not entirely successful, with its policies. 4 Tables. Adapted from the source document.
At February 2005 was installed the Electoral Reforms Commission of the Electoral Court of the Republic of Panama. Many reforms have been proposed by political parties and civil society. Panamanian party system analysis reveals that the items related to the political parties modernization should be improve, where as is necessary to preserve system stability. Based in this strategical frame, the author assesses some of the current proposals that look to improve the Panamanian electoral system. ; En febrero de 2005 se instaló la Comisión de Reformas Electorales del Tribunal Electoral de Panamá. Varias han ido las reformas propuestas al sistema electoral tanto por los partidos políticos como por la sociedad civil. El análisis del sistema de partidos panameños revela que los aspectos que hay que mejorar en el régimen electoral son los relacionados con la modernización de los partidos, siendo necesario preservar la estabilidad del sistema. Basado en ese marco estratégico, el autor evalúa algunas de las actuales propuestas a perfeccionar el sistema electoral panameño.
Documentation related to the Alvaro Obregón Campaign Headquarters: List of the commissions. Letters from Mr. Herminio Pérez Abreu, Secretary of the Campaign Headquarters, to Gen. Alvaro Obregón related to the campaign work. Advertisement communiqués and goals of the Alvaro Obregón Campaign Headquarters; receipt and copy; invoice and receipts of income and expenditures of the Campaign Headquarters; list of debtors and list of advertising expenses paid to Treppiedi and Company. Subscription report in favor of Alvaro Obregón's Candidacy. Telegram from Gen. Alvaro Obregón to the Alvaro Obregón Campaign Headquarters informing of his arrival to Mazatlán, Sinaloa. Files C-45 and C-013 / Documentación relativa al Centro Director Electoral de la Candidatura Alvaro Obregón: Lista de las comisiones. Cartas del Sr. Herminio Pérez Abreu, Secretario del Centro Director Electoral al Gral. Alvaro Obregón, relativas a los trabajos de la campaña política. Circulares de propaganda y objetivos del Centro Director Electoral de la Candidatura Alvaro Obregón; recibo y copia; factura y corte de caja de ingresos y egresos del Centro Director Electoral; lista de deudores y relación de gastos de propaganda pagados a Treppiedi y Compañía. Informe de la suscripción a favor de la Candidatura Alvaro Obregón. Telegrama del Gral. Alvaro Obregón al Centro Director Electoral Candidatura Alvaro Obregón informando de su llegada a Mazatlán, Sin. Exps. C-45 y C-013
Las elecciones generales de 2015 supusieron un golpe contra el
bipartidismo imperfecto imperante en España desde la restauración de la democracia
¿la repetición de las mismas en 2016 no sirvió para que éste recuperase
demasiado terreno¿, ello en favor, sobre todo, de dos formaciones políticas noveles
en unos comicios de este ámbito: Podemos y Ciudadanos. En este sentido,
y habida cuenta de que uno de los aspectos en los que estos grupos partían con
mayor desventaja era el comunicativo, es importante comprobar cómo la Junta
Electoral Central fue adaptando al nuevo contexto político el régimen jurídico
de la cobertura informativa electoral proporcionada por los medios durante el
período electoral. El presente trabajo se dedica precisamente al análisis de esa
cuestión, centrándose en las novedades introducidas en 2015 para los grupos
políticos significativos que, por debutar en unos comicios concretos, carecen de
referencias anteriores equivalentes que les permita justificar un trato informativo
preferente con respecto a otras candidaturas. En ese contexto, se estudiarán
los aspectos normativos más controvertidos, realizándose distintas sugerencias
de lege ferenda. 2015eko hauteskunde orokorrak kolpe gogorra izan ziren Espainian
demokrazia berrezarri zenetik agindu izan duen alderdibitasun ez-perfektuarentzat
¿2016an hauteskundeak errepikatu izanak ez zuen hobekuntza handirik
ekarri sistema horrentzat¿, batez ere, maila horretako hauteskunde batzuetan berriak
ziren bi erakunde politikoren mesedetan: Podemos (Ahal dugu) eta Ciudadanos.
Ildo horretan, eta kontuan izanik talde hauen desabantaila handienetako bat
komunikazioaren ingurukoa zela, garrantzitsua da egiaztatzea Hauteskunde Batzorde
Zentrala, pixkanaka, testuinguru politiko berrira egokituz joan zela hauteskunde-
kanpainan hedabideen aldetik hauteskunde-informazioari buruz egindako
estalduraren araubide juridikoa. Lan honen xedea, hain zuzen, gai hori aztertzea
da, eta 2015ean formazio politiko esanguratsuentzat sartutako berrikuntzetan zentratzen
da, izan ere, talde politiko horiek, maila honetako hauteskundeetan debuta
egiten zutenez, ez baitzuten maila bereko aurreko erreferentziarik, beste hautagaitza
batzuekiko lehentasunezko informazio-tratua justifikatzeko. Testuinguru horretan,
arautegiko alderdi eztabaidagarrienak aztertuko dira, eta zenbait iradokizun
egiten dira de lege ferenda. The parliamentary elections of 2015 came as a blow to the
imperfect bipartisanship set in Spain since democracy was restored ¿the
rerun of the elections in 2016 did not help this phenomenon to recover too
much ground¿, and this benefited, most of all, two new political groups firsttimers
in an election of such geographic scope: Podemos and Ciudadanos. In
this regard, and given that the media was one of the aspects in which these groups were starting from a position of greater disadvantage, the successful
adaptation by the Central Elections Commission to the new political context of
the regulation on electoral media coverage during the election period should
be highlighted. Well, it is precisely this issue which is addressed in the current
paper, with a particular emphasis on the regulatory developments introduced
in 2015 for those significant political groups which, for being first-timers in
specific elections, lack previous equivalent references allowing them to justify
preferencial informative treatment over other candidacies. In this context,
the most controversial legal aspects will be studied, making also various
suggestions de lege ferenda.
This article analyzes the political participation of women in Santander for the National Front in two legislative bodies at local and departmental: Bucaramanga City Council and the Departmental Assembly. To understand the importance of this participation is important to mention that the National Front was the 16-year period in which the Liberal and Conservative parties formed a pact of political change as expeditiously formula to end more than two decades of partisan violence in which the women started his political life as citizens with the right to elect and be elected, after an advocacy process started in the 30s and culminated in 1954 with the granting of voting rights by the Study Commission constitutional during the presidency of General Rojas Pinilla. But the joy with which Santanderean women participated both in the 1957 plebiscite which approved the National Front and the right to citizenship, as in the first elections of 1958 in which participated for the first time as candidates, petered out during the 16 years, leaving a bittersweet taste for equality expectations were not met although minority inclusion in political decision-making on behalf of the interests of the political parties which had membership for their family ties, mostly union. ; El presente artículo analiza la participación política de las mujeres en Santander durante el Frente Nacional, en dos cuerpos legislativos de carácter local y departamental: el Concejo Municipal de Bucaramanga y la Asamblea Departamental. Para comprender la importancia de esta participación es importante mencionar que el Frente Nacional fue el periodo de 16 años en los que los partidos políticos Liberal y Conservador establecieron un pacto de alternancia política, como fórmula expedita para terminar con más de dos décadas de violencia partidista y en el cual las mujeres iniciaron su vida política como ciudadanas con derecho a elegir y ser elegidas, después de un proceso de incidencia política iniciado en los años 30 y que culminó en 1954 con el otorgamiento del derecho al voto por parte de la Comisión de Estudios Constitucionales durante la presidencia del General Rojas Pinilla. Pero el alborozo con el que las mujeres Santandereanas participaron tanto en el plebiscito de 1957, que refrendó el Frente Nacional y su derecho a la ciudadanía, como en las primeras elecciones de 1958 en las que participaron por primera vez como candidatas, se fue esfumando durante los 16 años, dejándoles un sabor agridulce pues las expectativas de igualdad no se cumplieron aunque sí una inclusión minoritaria en los espacios de decisión política en representación de los intereses de los partidos políticos con los cuales tenían membresía por sus vínculos familiares o sindicales principalmente.
"Cover page with the seal of the Pro-Serrano Committee titled "File #81 "N". Dr. Noriega Alberto, Present". Gen. Arturo Lazo de la Vega, Chief Secretary of the Pro-Serrano Committee, informs Alberto Noriega that he has already sent the appeal filed by the residents of Cuautitlán, State of Mexico, against the authorities of that region, to the Technical and Consultative Electoral Commission. / Portada con el sello del Comité Pro-Serrano titulada ""Expediente #81 ""N"". Dr. Noriega Alberto, Presente"". El Gral. Arturo Lazo de la Vega, Secretario General del Comité Pro-Serano, informa a Alberto Noriega que ya turnó a la Comisión Técnica y Consultiva Electoral el amparo interpuesto por los vecinos de Cuautitlán, Estado de México, contra actos de autoridades de esa población."
Twitter as an electoral communication tool is determined by the objectives and the character of each political organization. This article analyses the communication strategies of the political organization Barcelona en Comú on Twitter for a better understanding of the way in which new political forces work in a digital environment. The case study is based on qualitative content analysis with several categories related to the message and the digital network possibilities. The amount of 1,840 tweets from two groups of Twitter accounts was analyzed. First, the tweets disseminated by the six partiesthat form the electoral coalition Barcelona en Comú. Second, the tweets disseminated by politicians and members of communication commission of the parties. The results allow us to conclude that one of the six parties centralised the communication of the confluence. Also, that the bidirectional communication process among parties and users took place in the second group of Twitter accounts.
SUMARIO: I. INTRODUCCIÓN AL DEBATE INSTITUCIONAL ITALIANO: 1. Planteamiento del tema. 2. Objetivos perseguidos y limitaciones implícitas al proyecto de reforma. 3. Los frentes de acción del proyecto. II. EL PODER LEGISLATIVO COMO EXPRESIÓN MATERIAL DE LA REPRESENTACIÓN: REFORMA DEL PARLAMENTO: 1. Crisis y superación del bicameralismo perfecto. 2. Composición de las Cámaras. 3. Los gastos electorales. 4. Funciones del Parlamento: la función legislativa; atribución esencial y proyecto de reforma. 5. Dos problemas relativos a las fuentes normativas: el «curso preferencial» de los «Decretos de urgencia». Las «.Leyes de Comisión». 6. Las funciones de las Cámaras en materia de control. 7. La función de orientación (el «indirizzo» político) y la disciplina interior. III. EL PODER EJECUTIVO: EL PRESIDENTE, EL CONSEJO Y LAS RELACIONES ORGÁNICAS CON EL LEGISLATIVO: 1. Reorganización interna del Consejo de Ministros. 2. El Gobierno ante las Cámaras. IV. EL SISTEMA ELECTORAL EN LA COMMISSIONE BOZZI: 1. Planteamiento del tema. 2. Los grupos de la Comisión y sus respectivas propuestas. 3. Partidos, partitocracia y sistema electoral. V. CONCLUSIONES: LAS DOS TRAYECTORIAS CENTRALES DEL PROYECTO DE REFORMA. VI. UNA REFLEXIÓN FINAL SOBRE LA CUESTIÓN MORAL. NOTA BIBLIOGRÁFICA. ; SUMMARY: I. INTRODUCTION TO ITALIAN INSTITUTIONAL DEBATE: 1. Approach to the topic. 2. Objectives pursued and the draft reform implied limitations. 3. The project action fronts. II. LEGISLATIVE POWER MATERIAL AS AN EXPRESSION OF REPRESENTATION: REFORM OF PARLIAMENT: 1. Crisis and overcoming the perfect bicameralism. 2. Composition of the Chambers. 3. The election expenses. 4. Functions of Parliament: the legislative function; essential function and reform project. 5. Two problems concerning normative sources: the "preferential course" of "emergency decrees." The ".Leyes of Commission '. 6. The functions of the cameras in the control. 7. The function of orientation (the "indirizzo" political) and inner discipline. III. THE EXECUTIVE: THE PRESIDENT, THE COUNCIL AND ORGANIZATIONAL RELATIONSHIPS WITH LEGISLATIVE: 1. Internal reorganization of the Cabinet. 2. The Government before the Chambers. IV. THE ELECTORAL SYSTEM IN THE COMMISSIONE BOZZI: 1. Approach to the topic. 2. Groups of the Commission and their respective proposals. 3. Parties, party politics and electoral system. V. CONCLUSION: THE TWO PATHS OF REFORM PROJECT CENTRAL. VI. FINAL THOUGHTS ON MORAL ISSUE. BIBLIOGRAPHIC NOTE.
[ES] El principal argumento de este escrito es que la heterogeneidad de los diseños institucionales que prima en el campo electoral en América Latina (Carroll y Shugart, 2005) también se reproduce en el parlamentario. El perfil morfológico del sistema de comisiones propio de cada Congreso y el lugar que la ley les asigna en el proceso legislativo son prueba evidente de ello. Mientras el marco normativo de algunas legislaturas no deja lugar a dudas en cuanto a la intención de delegar en los partidos las decisiones encomendadas a estos cuerpos; en otros casos, ello ocurre en menor medida. En los casos formalmente ceñidos a una lógica de partido, por otra parte, se alientan esquemas de delegación de corte muy diverso. En este escrito se revisa el acomodo institucional del sistema de comisiones de la Cámara Baja en: Argentina; Bolivia; Brasil; Colombia; Chile; México; Paraguay; República Dominicana y Uruguay. En este sentido, el estudio examina tanto la importancia concedida a su trabajo, como algunos aspectos de su morfología que afectan la estructura de incentivos que acota el desarrollo del proceso legislativo. Asimismo, se analizan los procedimientos utilizados en cada Congreso para enfrentar los problemas de acción colectiva. Por último, se presentan algunas ideas para la elaboración de una futura taxonomía sobre la relación que guardan en la región los partidos y las comisiones permanentes del Congreso. ; [EN] The main argument of this paper is that the heterogeneity of the institutional framework that prevails in Latin America's electoral field (Carroll y Shugart, 2005), also reproduces itself in the parliamentary one. This is proved by the morphologic profile of each Congress' commission system and the place that the law assigns to the system. While some legislative frameworks clearly intend to delegate to parties the decisions entrusted to this bodies; in other cases, this takes place in a less important way. In the cases formally related with a party logic, on the other hand, diverse delegation schemes are encouraged. In this article we analyze the institutional framework of the commission systems of the low chamber in: Argentina; Bolivia; Brazil; Colombia; Chile; Mexico; Paraguay; Dominican Republic and Uruguay. In this sense, this work examines the importance given to their job and some aspects of its morphology that affect the structure of incentives that narrows the development of the legislative process. We also analyze the procedures used by each Congress to solve its problems of collective action. Lastly, some ideas for the elaboration of a future taxonomy on the relationship between parties and permanent commissions in the region are presented.
