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This article analyses the features and problems of ethno‐nationalism in the global context. The existing bodies of theories and literature on ethno‐nationalism mainly reflect the views and interests of the colonising ethno‐nations and their states at the cost of the dominated ethno‐nations. This preliminary study shows the inadequacy of information, knowledge and theory in the study of nationalism by questioning the validity of the global 'modernising' projects of modernisation theorists and some Marxists and by addressing the question of ethno‐nationalism from the perspective of the colonised ethno‐nations. By providing the reference cases of the Oromos and the Southern Sudanese, this study explains the challenge ethno‐nationalism poses to the nature and role of the state.

This study examines the demographic and discursive challenges taking place against Koreans' long-held ethno-nationalism. While Koreans have formed their national identity based on the notion of ethnic homogeneity, an increasing influx of migrant workers and foreign brides is dramatically transforming the demographic landscape of South Korean society. This article presents the empirical realities of recent demographic changes within the South Korean population and identifies three mechanisms that have raised critical voices against the essentialist and exclusivist tendency found within Korean nationalism: protests by migrant workers, advocacy and support from social movement organizations, and discursive criticisms from academia and mass media. All these have contributed to the loosening of Korean ethnocentrism - a trend evident in recent survey data on Koreans' national identity. This article underscores that the real contradiction lies between Koreans' attachment to the nationalist identity that undergirded their political survival and economic success during the nation's turbulent modern decades and the present realities of a multi-ethnicizing population that demands pluralist and fluid understandings of social membership and collective identity. (Crit Asian Stud/GIGA)

This article analyzes the features & problems of ethnonationalism in the global context. The existing bodies of theories & literature on ethnonationalism mainly reflect the views & interests of the colonizing ethnonations & their states at the cost of the dominated ethnonations. This preliminary study shows the inadequacy of information, knowledge, & theory in the study of nationalism by questioning the validity of the global "modernizing" projects of modernization theorists & some Marxists & by addressing the question of ethnonationalism from the perspective of the colonized ethnonations. By providing the reference cases of the Oromos & the southern Sudanese, this study explains the challenge ethnonationalism poses to the nature & role of the state. 72 References. Adapted from the source document.

AbstractOne approach within theIslamic camp treatsIslam, which emphasizes overarching notions such as the 'Islamic brotherhood' and 'ummah', as incompatible with ethno‐nationalist ideas and movements. It is, however, striking that in the last decades, severalIslamic and conservative groups inTurkey have paid increasing attention to theKurdish issue, supporting their ethnic demands and sentiments. Even more striking, the leftist, secularKurdish ethno‐nationalists have adopted a more welcoming attitude towardIslam. How can we explain such intriguing developments and shifts? Using original data derived from several elite interviews and a public opinion survey, this study shows that the struggle forKurdish popular support and legitimacy has encouraged political elites from both camps to enrich their ideological toolbox by borrowing ideas and discourses from each other. Further,Turkish andKurdish nationalists alike utilizeIslamic discourses and ideas to legitimize their competing nationalist claims. Exploring such issues, the study also provides theoretical and policy implications.

Despite the overlapping settlement patterns of ethnic population, ethno-territoriality has been explicitly asserted by the various ethnic groups inhabiting Manipur. Augmented by mobilisation and counter-mobilisation of ethnic identities, the tendency of different groups seeking territorial concession on the ground of constituting a majority in their specific geographical settlements appeared to be the rationale behind competing micro-nationalist ventures.

While the study of the causes of civil war is a well-established subdiscipline in international relations, the effects of civil war on society remain less understood. Yet, such effects could have crucial implications for long-term stability and democracy in a country after the reaching of a peace agreement. This article contributes to the understanding of the effects of warfare on interethnic relations, notably attitudes of ethno-nationalism. Two hypotheses are tested: first, that the prevalence of ethno-nationalism is higher after than before the war, and second, that individuals who have been directly affected by the war are more nationalist than others. The variation in ethno-nationalism is examined over time, between countries, and between ethnic groups. Three countries that did not experience conflict on their own territory serve as a control group. The effect of individual war exposure is also tested in the analysis. Sources include survey data from the former Yugoslavia in 1989, shortly before the outbreak of war in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, and in 2003, some years after the violence in the region ended. Contrary to common beliefs, the study shows that ethno-nationalism does not necessarily increase with ethnic civil war. The individual war experiences are less important than expected.