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Publikacja recenzowana / Peer-reviewed publication ; The main purpose of this article is to bring the reader into an atmosphere of intensity created by the political disputes about the need of immigration reform in the United States. It is unquestionable that problems of the immigrants, who for decades were crossing illegally American borders, contribute to internal political turbulences in this country. This article proceeds on the assumption, that the immigration related problems created a social "melting pot" which became one of the most serious challenges for the American policymakers. The confrontation of the President with Congress was inevitable. On the one hand, Obama's administration started to regulate the status of illegal immigrants by executive orders; on the other hand, the Congress was determined to bloc these actions as illegal attempts of the President violating the prerogatives of the legislative body. The confl ict resulted in the stalemates which seriously undermined the effectiveness of the American system of checks and balances. The lack of legal certainty, a necessary component of the reliability of the democratic governments, triggered the dispute over the values of the interpretational fl exibility of the Constitution of the United States.

Over the period of its independence, Ukraine has gone through several stages of modernization of its electoral system, moving from system of absolute and mixed majority to proportional representation. What can this signify? Either the democratic principles of the national political system are strengthening and political institutions fully function in society, or a system of state authorities has actually transformed into the rule of oligarchic parties which control the activities of the government via parliament and are sufficiently independent from the President. By virtue of the constitutional reform from late 2004, Ukraine has transformed into a parliamentary-presidential republic, where the parliament is the core of control over executive power. Therefore, it is quite significant which parties win the elections. ; Over the period of its independence, Ukraine has gone through several stages of modernization of its electoral system, moving from system of absolute and mixed majority to proportional representation. What can this signify? Either the democratic principles of the national political system are strengthening and political institutions fully function in society, or a system of state authorities has actually transformed into the rule of oligarchic parties which control the activities of the government via parliament and are sufficiently independent from the President. By virtue of the constitutional reform from late 2004, Ukraine has transformed into a parliamentary-presidential republic, where the parliament is the core of control over executive power. Therefore, it is quite significant which parties win the elections.

It can be argued that the Constitution of the Fifth Republic is an asset for France, if only because of its longevity. Besides, given the objective set by its founders in 1958, namely to restore the state around the executive, the Fifth Republic is undoubtedly a success. However, this success has led to an imbalance in the functioning of the institutions, which, despite attempts at reform, remain essentially centred on the head of state. The article addresses this issue through the prism of three fundamental issues: 'the spirit' of the Constitution, focused on the reconstruction of the State; 'institutions', unequal in favour of the President of the Republic; and 'practice', sometimes unconstitutional.

The transformation of the political communication models in Venezuela and other Latin American states is related to the evolving political culture in this region, together with a bold use of media communication approached both as a means and a goal. Video-politics, defined as a process of the mediatization of the constructs of political reality, is becoming a key notion for the citizens and voters there. Using the public means of social communication Hugo Chávez has made the Aló, Presidente show an arena of political decision-making and a space focused on political personalism. An analysis of selected elements of the show provides detailed information on the rhetorical tools and other mechanisms of exerting influence applied by Hugo Chávez. On a macro-scale the media strategies applied in the show turn out to be instruments of consolidating the image of executive power in Venezuela. ; The transformation of the political communication models in Venezuela and other Latin American states is related to the evolving political culture in this region, together with a bold use of media communication approached both as a means and a goal. Video-politics, defined as a process of the mediatization of the constructs of political reality, is becoming a key notion for the citizens and voters there. Using the public means of social communication Hugo Chávez has made the Aló, Presidente show an arena of political decision-making and a space focused on political personalism. An analysis of selected elements of the show provides detailed information on the rhetorical tools and other mechanisms of exerting influence applied by Hugo Chávez. On a macro-scale the media strategies applied in the show turn out to be instruments of consolidating the image of executive power in Venezuela.

Employing VR technology in clinical psychology
Abstract
This paper will analyse the usage of virtual reality (VR) technology in clinical psychology especially neuropsychology. VR has emerged few years ago as a potentially efficient method of providing general and specialty psychological health. Clinical psychologist and neuropsychologists use VR in diagnosis, therapy and rehabilitation for example of anxiety disorders and executive functions. One of the most important advantage of using virtual reality tasks in neuropsychology is high ecological validity which is necessary for providing natural contects of diagnosis. The analysis is based on recent works of American researchers who used virtual reality methods like Nonimmersive Virtual Coffe Task, Virtual Supermarket Task, Virtual Reality Lateralized Attention Test, Virtual Reality Shopping Task and Virtual Classroom Task.

Power has been one of the key issues in the study of international relations since the famous words of Hans Morgentau that in world politics power is pitted against power for supremacy and survival. The attention given to its analysis within the last 65 years has been a product of such as Morthenthau's understandings of power which see it as the most important causal force in state interactions. However, despite the amount of research on the subject, there is little agreement among scholars as to what it is and where does it come.The author briefly examines various views on the determinants of power starting from a classical realist and strictly actor-based one to a dualist approach which emphasizes the importance of international structure. He finds that all share a similar idea that power — to some extent — comes from the material capabilities of states (material determinants). Building upon previous research conducted on the validity of the democratic peace theory he then argues that it may also stem from the political system of the state (systemic determinants).Subsequently the author analyzes the significance of various material and systemic power determinants to war outcomes using nine diff erent non-linear econometric models (polynomial logit) composed of various sets of variables relating to power determinants. He then examines the degree to which particular models explain war outcomes of interstate military conflicts between 1816 and 1991 and which of the variables seem statistically significant.The results clearly show that neither the advantage in military personnel numbers, nor in the amount of money spent on arms influences the state's chances of victory. In the case of the total value of imports the findings are similar. On the other hand the value of the states exports, as well as certain systemic parameters such as competitiveness and openness of executive recruitment and executive constraints prove to be of statistical importance.

Power has been one of the key issues in the study of international relations since the famous words of Hans Morgentau that in world politics power is pitted against power for supremacy and survival. The attention given to its analysis within the last 65 years has been a product of such as Morthenthau's understandings of power which see it as the most important causal force in state interactions. However, despite the amount of research on the subject, there is little agreement among scholars as to what it is and where does it come.The author briefly examines various views on the determinants of power starting from a classical realist and strictly actor-based one to a dualist approach which emphasizes the importance of international structure. He finds that all share a similar idea that power — to some extent — comes from the material capabilities of states (material determinants). Building upon previous research conducted on the validity of the democratic peace theory he then argues that it may also stem from the political system of the state (systemic determinants).Subsequently the author analyzes the significance of various material and systemic power determinants to war outcomes using nine diff erent non-linear econometric models (polynomial logit) composed of various sets of variables relating to power determinants. He then examines the degree to which particular models explain war outcomes of interstate military conflicts between 1816 and 1991 and which of the variables seem statistically significant.The results clearly show that neither the advantage in military personnel numbers, nor in the amount of money spent on arms influences the state's chances of victory. In the case of the total value of imports the findings are similar. On the other hand the value of the states exports, as well as certain systemic parameters such as competitiveness and openness of executive recruitment and executive constraints prove to be of statistical importance.

Deterioration of Hungarian democracy has weakened the rule of law since 2010. The changes that favour the executive power at the expense of the legislative one are implemented by National Assembly. The paper analyses the formal and practical outcome of the functioning of the Hungarian parliament (2010–2022), which meets the criteria of novelty by referring to only one of the parts of the political system, while many other researchers focus on global regime changes. The research aims to analyze how the Hungarian parliament introduces illiberal legalism. The main question refers to the role and position of the National Assembly in the process of deterioration of Hungarian democracy. The research methods are the legal analysis, neo-institutional approach and comparative method.

A safe state is a well and clearly organized state. A state in which all citizens are guaranteed a stable existence and have a sense of confidence in their own development. Achieving this status is conditioned by legal provisions, which are the basic instrument for regulating and determining the desired social relations. The key role belongs to the functioning of the lower-level administration, which – as the author claims – cannot be blamed for the way the law is applied, within which limits and in which it is to operate. The use (lawmaking) of the law depends on the political parties sitting in parliament and creating the composition of the executive (the government comes from parliament), and their representation (members of parliament) – on our civic involvement in the election.

In the article, the distinctive features of the Constitution of the 5th Republic are abalyzed. A brief discussion on some of the constitutional institutions showed the originality and novelty of the political system that was adopted after 1958. Built in the spirit of the French republican tradition, the system was based, on the one hand, on a strong and central constitutional position of the President, a twofold executive, and a parliament limited in its competences, and on the other hand, on parliamentary accountability of the government and well-developed direct democracy institutions. The French example could be considered excellent evidence of how the powerful and historic constitutional institutions could be adopted in a modern democratic state even under a concise constitution of a hybrid charakter. ; Artykuł nie zawiera abstraktu w języku polskim

In De Gaulle's thought, the nation and the state are inextricably linked, and while exercising power as President of the Fifth Republic, he almost obsessively strived for national unity. He fully accepted the Republican system of France and recognized revolutions as an indelible element of the national heritage. De Gaulle was convinced of the country's potential to influence the fate of the world, to firmly defend its national interests, but also to be an advocate of universal values. The essential element of the new system for France proposed by De Gaulle in 1946 was the strengthening of the executive power and the key political position of the president of the Republic. The 1958 Constitution introduced a significant change regarding the election of the president by the electoral college, and de Gaulle's concept of general election of the president was soon implemented.

The article presents three key elements involved in е-participation of citizens in public affairs. Firstly, e-information – information on the government web sites that is of interest to the community. Secondly, e-consultation – mechanisms and tools of online discussion on socially significant problems. Thirdly, e-decision making – the consideration of the contribution of online citizens in the decision-making process, providing continuous feedback. Moreover, the article presents the challenges that rise from implementing them, as well as the benefits that they bring. The most important among these benefits are: strengthening the democratic legitimacy of the authorities, improving the regulations adopted by legislative bodies and decisions made by the executive, more efficient processing of documents and their distribution among the interested parties, and increasing the level of compliance with the established rules.

The article presents three key elements involved in е-participation of citizens in public affairs. Firstly, e-information – information on the government web sites that is of interest to the community. Secondly, e-consultation – mechanisms and tools of online discussion on socially significant problems. Thirdly, e-decision making – the consideration of the contribution of online citizens in the decision-making process, providing continuous feedback. Moreover, the article presents the challenges that rise from implementing them, as well as the benefits that they bring. The most important among these benefits are: strengthening the democratic legitimacy of the authorities, improving the regulations adopted by legislative bodies and decisions made by the executive, more efficient processing of documents and their distribution among the interested parties, and increasing the level of compliance with the established rules.

There are important differences between Polish commune self-government and county self-government concerning a procedure of an approval of an implementation of local government budget. This is, certainly, connected with the difference between types and procedures of appointing and recalling executive bodies of both types of local governments. On commune level – it is a single body (mayor), who is elected and recalled in universal elections. On the county level – it is multi-personal body (county's management board), which is called and recalled by the county council. Are the differences in the procedure of approval of the implementation of local government budget a good solution for the local governance? On both levels of local government the approval concerns an implementation of local government budget and on both levels – formally the procedure is actually the same. It is only the procedure of recalling of the executive body that differ. This article's aim is to analyse the construction of "rejection of an approval of the implementation of local government budget", which is implemented on a county level of local government. Moreover, the article will point out the role of Regional Audit Chambers in the procedure of an approval of the implementation of county government budget. ; Procedura udzielania absolutorium organowi wykonawczemu jednostki samorządu terytorialnego wykazuje istotne różnice między samorządem gminnym a samorządem powiatowym. Z pewnością związane jest to z faktem odmiennego ustroju oraz trybu wyboru i odwoływania tego organu: na szczeblu gminnym jest to organ jednoosobowy (wójt, burmistrz, prezydent miasta) powoływany w drodze wyborów bezpośrednich i odwoływany w drodze referendum, zaś na szczeblu powiatowym jest to organ kolegialny (zarząd) powoływany i odwoływany przez radę powiatu. Czy jednak owa odmienność procedury absolutoryjnej w zależności od szczebla samorządu jest słuszna, skoro zawsze ma ona dotyczyć wykonania budżetu oraz zawsze powinna odbywać się z zachowaniem odpowiednich wymogów formalno-prawnych, zaś tylko jej konsekwencje (sposób odwoływania organu wykonawczego) są odmienne? Artykuł ma na celu przeprowadzenie analizy występującej w samorządzie powiatowym instytucji "odrzucenia w głosowaniu uchwały o udzieleniu absolutorium". Ponadto artykuł ma wskazać na wynikającą z obowiązujących obecnie przepisów rolę regionalnej izby obrachunkowej w powiatowej procedurze absolutoryjnej.

There are important differences between Polish commune self-government and county self-government concerning a procedure of an approval of an implementation of local government budget. This is, certainly, connected with the difference between types and procedures of appointing and recalling executive bodies of both types of local governments. On commune level – it is a single body (mayor), who is elected and recalled in universal elections. On the county level – it is multi-personal body (county's management board), which is called and recalled by the county council. Are the differences in the procedure of approval of the implementation of local government budget a good solution for the local governance? On both levels of local government the approval concerns an implementation of local government budget and on both levels – formally the procedure is actually the same. It is only the procedure of recalling of the executive body that differ. This article's aim is to analyse the construction of "rejection of an approval of the implementation of local government budget", which is implemented on a county level of local government. Moreover, the article will point out the role of Regional Audit Chambers in the procedure of an approval of the implementation of county government budget. ; Procedura udzielania absolutorium organowi wykonawczemu jednostki samorządu terytorialnego wykazuje istotne różnice między samorządem gminnym a samorządem powiatowym. Z pewnością związane jest to z faktem odmiennego ustroju oraz trybu wyboru i odwoływania tego organu: na szczeblu gminnym jest to organ jednoosobowy (wójt, burmistrz, prezydent miasta) powoływany w drodze wyborów bezpośrednich i odwoływany w drodze referendum, zaś na szczeblu powiatowym jest to organ kolegialny (zarząd) powoływany i odwoływany przez radę powiatu. Czy jednak owa odmienność procedury absolutoryjnej w zależności od szczebla samorządu jest słuszna, skoro zawsze ma ona dotyczyć wykonania budżetu oraz zawsze powinna odbywać się z zachowaniem odpowiednich wymogów formalno-prawnych, zaś tylko jej konsekwencje (sposób odwoływania organu wykonawczego) są odmienne? Artykuł ma na celu przeprowadzenie analizy występującej w samorządzie powiatowym instytucji "odrzucenia w głosowaniu uchwały o udzieleniu absolutorium". Ponadto artykuł ma wskazać na wynikającą z obowiązujących obecnie przepisów rolę regionalnej izby obrachunkowej w powiatowej procedurze absolutoryjnej.