De Wetenschappelijke Raad voor het Regeringsbeleid (WRR) bepleit in zijn rapport Aan het buitenland gehecht een nieuwe aanpak van het buitenlandbeleid. De wereld om ons heen is onderhevig aan veranderende machtsverhoudingen, wordt bevolkt door andere spelers dan in het verleden, en wordt gekenmerkt door een sterkere verknoping van nationale en internationale vraagstukken. Dit vraagt om nieuwe antwoorden, om een heroriëntatie op het buitenlandbeleid. Het rapport wordt op 30 november namens de regering in ontvangst genomen door de minister van Buitenlandse Zaken, dr. U. Rosenthal. Het rapport st
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Reading the news about Iran today one can hardly imagine that relations between the Netherlands and Iran were excellent until 1979. Mohammed-Reza Pahlavi, the last shah of Persia, was known in The Netherlands as a visionary and reformer. Persia was represented as a mythical land with an ancient civilization. The Dutch royal family enjoyed visiting the shah, and large and small Dutch companies were successful in Iran.
When in the 1970s awareness spread about repression under the shah, the Dutch government was faced with difficult choices. How could these relations be continued, now that public opinion had turned against it? The Dutch government decided to ignore the criticisms, and firmly held on to the idea of the shah as an enlightened despot. As such, it did not see the Iranian Revolution coming, and suffered the consequences.
"The European Union is today a major player in many policy areas, going from classic economic fields as competition policy, agriculture and fisheries policy to new emergent fields as environmental policy, arterial intelligence policy, security and foreign policy and criminal justice policy. These policies comes with an increasing level of EU regulation, having also a substantive impact on the harmonization of national policies and regulations. This expansion of EU competence naturally also places new demands on their enforcement, especially when it comes to investigations with the aim of imposing punitive administrative and/or criminal sanctions. In this expanded version of his valedictory lecture Prof. Vervaele is assessing 1) to what extent the EU and its Member States have a policy on punitive enforcement in the internal market and in the Area of Freedom Security and Justice and 2) how this policy translates into the harmonization of substantive administrative and criminal law and procedural law at the national level and into the elaboration of administrative and judicial cooperation instruments and the setting up of European enforcement agencies. The assessment includes to what extent this policy takes account of the human rights obligations. Vervaele concludes with a plea for a European model for punitive law enforcement with an increased alignment between the administrative enforcement tools in the internal market and the criminal enforcement tools in the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice. In this model the national enforcement authorities are build in under a network cooperation scheme."--
Dirksen, E.: De russische economische crisis. - S. 1-10. Wilkening, D. A.: The future of Russia's strategic nuclear force. - S. 11-32. (1) Wettig, G.: NATO, Russia and European security after the Cold War. - S. 33-39. (1) Facon, I.: L'armee russe, menace ou recours? - S. 41-52. (1) Braithwaite, R.: La russie, pays europeen. - S. 53-67. (1) Tinguy, A. de: Russie: dix ans de migrations, reflets d'un monde et transition. - S. 69-77. (1) Michel, L.: L'avenir de la Russie. - S. 1-3. (2) Vogel, H.: The Russian economy. - S. 7-11. (2) Adler, A.: La situation politique en Russie. - S. 13-20. (2) Mel'vil', A.: Domestic politics in Russia on the eve of March 26, 2000. - S. 21-27. (2) Kelleher, C. M. ; Tkacenko, S.: Internal security and the relations with "near abroad". - S. 29-40. (2) Graham, T. E (jr.): Russia's foreign policy. - S. 41-48. (2) ... Chudolej, K.: Russia, NATO and the European Union. - S. 53-58. (2) Bachkatov, N.: Ou va la Russie? - S. 59-62. (2)
Analysis of what Swedish membership in the EU has meant for Swedish policy at the national level. Has its structure and set of priorities changed and if so, how? Compares changes in Swedish policy in the areas of business, agriculture, environmental protection, social life, education, gender equality, asylum and migration, law enforcement, foreign relations and security, communities, and development
