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A thorough overview of the foreign policy conducted by the government of Flanders which was granted the status of autonomous region in the 1993 reform of the Belgian state. Discussed are: (1) the principles of equality in domestic & foreign policy promulgation & the parity of federal & regional governments encoded in the 1993 law, (2) the strategic objectives of the Flemish foreign policy, (3) the continuity/discontinuity in the Flemish foreign policy of the 1990s, (4) the basic components of the Flemish foreign policy, & (6) the description & evaluation of bilateral & multilateral policies carried out by the Flemish government since 1993. The nine criteria applied in deciding toward which countries & regions of the world should the Flemish foreign policy be oriented are listed, & representation offices abroad & bilateral agreements & contracts are tabulated to demonstrate the effectiveness of the Flemish government on the international arena. Multilateral policies pursued within international organizations are discussed & evaluated for their relevance & impact on the region of Flanders, the Belgian federation, & the organizations within which such policies are carried out. An assessment of the Flemish government's accomplishments in its foreign policies identifies both pioneering initiatives & missed opportunities. Foreign policy challenges in the near future for both the regional & federal governments are identified. 42 References. Z. Dubiel

This presentation at the conference "Buitenlandse politiek in Belgie" (The Foreign Policy in Belgium), organized by the U of Ghent & the Catholic U of Louvain & held in Ghent, 27 Mar 2002, which occasionally refers to, & comments on, David Criekemans's overview on the same topic delivered at the same venue, discusses the foreign policies formulated & pursued by the Flemish government since the region's autonomy in domestic & foreign affairs was expanded by the 1993 law reforming the Belgian state. After listing the strategical objectives of the Flemish foreign policy making, three areas of special interest into which initiatives were targeted in the 1990s & early 2000s are described: (1) international engagement within the European Union (EU), (2) multilateral relations pursued within international organizations, & (3) bilateral agreements promoting the region's culture, science, technology, & ecological & economic interests. Criekemans's treatment of these topics is mostly supported with new arguments & only occasionally contested with mild criticism or corrected with an alternative viewpoint. Z. Dubiel

An assessment of Belgian foreign policies promulgated since the summer of 1999 by the current government of prime minister Guy Verhofstadt is presented. The following issues, identified as the most important in the 1999-2002 period, are discussed: (1) the handling of the dioxin crisis of 1999 by the state secretary for international commerce Pierre Chevalier & the minister of foreign affairs Louis Michel, (2) an engagement in peace diplomacy in Central Africa, (3) the European Union (EU) chairmanship by Belgium begun in May 2001, (4) Belgian support & criticism of American military reactions to September 11, & (5) the principles of ethical diplomacy in action. Belgian assertive diplomacy to defend national economic & commercial interests threatened by the dioxin crisis & the country's contribution to solidifying the EU are recognized as positive developments. However, the lukewarm solidarity with the US in the wake of September 11 is found to be damaging to the country on the international arena, & the ad-hoc policies developed for Central Africa are criticized for being only a damage control resulting from "fence-sitting" throughout the 1990s. The three year foreign policy of the current government is found to produce "mixed results" & contain both positive & negative elements. Z. Dubiel

The question whether the Belgian foreign policy is marked by a continuity or break between the first & second turns of Guy Verhofstadt as a prime minister of this country's governments is addressed, surveying developments in the 1999-2004 period & scrutinizing the rhetorical declarations & concrete initiatives "on the ground" by the foreign minister Louis Michel. The diplomatic style of the first & second administrations are compared, & the principles & directions of Belgian foreign policy in 2004 are assessed in the context of the state of political affairs on the global arena, with special attention to the split between the EU & US on the war in Iraq, the division inside the former vis-a-vis supporting or opposing US intervention in this Middle Eastern country, & the recent troubles the EU experiences with greater degree of political integration, projecting also into a lack of coherent, uniform foreign policy on the supranational level. Some of the major issues the Belgian foreign policy must deal in 2004 & beyond are identified: securing democratic & peaceful governance in Central Africa, responding to the anti-Belgian campaign conducted by the US, & supporting the process of strengthening the EU position as a relevant actor on the geopolitical stage. Z. Dubiel

The foreign policy of the current Belgian government led by the prime minister Guy Verhofstadt, with Louis Michel as the foreign minister, is evaluated, focusing on the country's active stance on the economic & political integration of the European countries & peaceful resolution of conflicts in Central Africa. Belgium's unwavering support & relentless efforts on behalf of the European Union (EU) intensified even more as the country assumed the organization's chairmanship in May 2001, & Michel's personal involvement & physical presence in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (Zaire) & the Great Lakes region (Rwanda & Burundi) testify to the shift by the current government toward proactive diplomacy by Belgium toward its former colony & trust territory. The ethical dimension of Belgian foreign policy is noted, mentioning the country position on human rights, support for the International Tribunal in the Hague, & the moral prerogatives followed in the Pinochet, Haider, & Berlusconi controversies. It is observed, however, that many of the country's initiatives abroad may be undercut by the government unwillingness to back its policies with foreign economic aid. Adapted from the source document.

Noting the inequality in wealth distribution between the haves & have nots in the world today & recognizing the possibility that poverty may become a threat to world peace, Flemish foreign policies, promulgated within the Belgian federation, are outlined. It is noted that, although perceived by many as largely symbolic, the foreign policy actions carried out by the government of Flanders deliver tangible benefits in many regions of the globe & have a profound impact on the formulation & promulgation of foreign policy on the federal level. Several of such initiatives conducted in cooperation with the World Health Organization & UNESCO & targeting third world countries are listed. Recognizing the tragedy of September 11, it is argued that Europe should show solidarity & support to a country which supported the continent when it needed help. However, Europe should also work on preventing any overreaction by the American government in its retaliation. The recent foreign policy initiatives of the federal government, with Louis Michel as its foreign minister, are both appreciated & supported. Z. Dubiel

In his speech at the conference "Buitenlandse politiek in Belgie" (The Foreign Policy in Belgium), organized by the U of Ghent & the Catholic U of Louvain & held in Ghent, 27 March 2002, the country's foreign minister outlines the principles governing the foreign policies of the current government led by prime minister Guy Verhofstadt since the summer of 1999. He stresses the importance of vision, trust, & morality in Belgian foreign policy & mentions his country's unblemished stand on human rights, unwavering championship of the European Union (EU), & efforts to construct durable peace in Central Africa. The effectiveness of multilateral & bilateral approaches is pointed out. The active position of the EU, under its Belgian chairmanship, in addressing issues pertaining to the Balkan & Middle East conflicts is noted. The new challenges posed by the events of September 11 & the future enlargement of the EU with states from Central & Southern Europe are recognized. Z. Dubiel

The Iraq War has once again spotlighted the divisions within the European Union that have prevented a unified foreign policy & strategy in its leadership. While the common market & currency, along with the accession of ten new member states have contributed greatly to a sense of European unity, the reliance on majority consensus & "soft security" neither ensures effective supranational policy making, nor does it eliminate the tension caused by the international leadership claims of three European Union members: GB, France, & Germany. The former two are both nuclear powers & permanent members of the Security Council, while the latter is one of the world's leading economies, & the dominant one in Europe; each has its own interests & orientations (eg, the transatlantic reflex of GB, the Continental reflex of France, & the pacifism of Germany). It is proposed that the European Union give more coordinating & directive power to the Union Ministry for Foreign Affairs to ensure a common foreign policy for the continent. A. Siegel

It is noted that Belgium, itself a small country on this continent, has always been & continues to be the most enthusiastic supporter of European integration. With the advantages of economic integration no longer questioned by anyone, the strengthening of the EU in the political domain, which would translate into a greater relevance of this organization on the geopolitical arena, has become the chief objective of the current Belgian foreign policy. Policies formulated & implemented by the prime minister Guy Verhofstadt & foreign minister Louis Michel are surveyed, assessing their position vis-a-vis such contentious issues as a la carte Europe (individual member states choosing their particular & preferred areas of involvement), "two-speed" Europe (the formation of a European Federation within the EU by core members, with a different status afforded to new members), & the formulation & carrying out of a uniform foreign policy by the EU as a supranational entity. Special attention is devoted to two projects promoted by the Belgian government for the EU: a common defense strategy independent from the US-led NATO & the formation of a military force capable of providing such defense. Z. Dubiel

An overview of Belgian policy making & implementation targeting countries of the African continent through either bilateral agreements or cooperation in projects launched by international organizations. Belgian African policy is placed in the larger geopolitical context, discussing the legacy of the Cold War, the country's historical ties with the Central African region (Zaire, Burundi, & Rwanda), & current structures & institutions available in the European Union & on the international arena (eg, the World Bank) within which the Belgian government can become effective either bilaterally or multilaterally in this part of Africa. The modernization of the ways & means through which developmental aid is dispensed in Africa is examined, considering Belgian & international initiatives & making comparisons to the traditional foci in Belgium's African policy. Five areas on which the current Belgian government concentrates on Central Africa are identified: (1) humanitarian assistance, (2) support for groups & initiatives targeting a peaceful resolution of conflicts & the enhancement of human rights in this part of the globe, (3) work on the demobilization & reintegration of former military units & ex-soldiers, (4) mobilization of donors & organizations willing to assist in securing peace in Burundi & eastern Congo (Zaire), & (5) actions on behalf of strengthening African "ownership" & diplomatic involvement in local peace initiatives. Z. Dubiel

Belgium's permanent representative to the European Union's Core Group (at its 23 May 2003 colloquium in Belgium) argues that the European Union can rely on its existing cadres to formulate a lasting, coherent, unified foreign & defense policy, one based on the model of increased cooperation, flexibility, institutional reform, consensus building, & planning. Reviewed are some of the strategies currently in place to achieve this, particularly those agreed on in the Treaty of Nice. A. Siegel

Y. Kleistra, Hollen of stilstaan. Beleidsverandering bij het Nederlandse ministerie van buitenlandse zaken P.R. Baehr, M.C. Castermans-Holleman, F. Grünfeld, Human rights in the foreign policy of the Netherlands E.M. van den Berg, The influence of domestic NGOs on Dutch human rights policy. Case studies on South Africa, Namibia, Indonesia and East Timor. The role of human rights in post-1945 Dutch foreign policy: Politicological and historical literature, Maarten KuitenbrouwerThe second Dutch government under Prime Minister Kok fell in 2002 following the publication of a critical report by the Dutch Institute for Wartime Documentation (NIOD) on the Srebenica issue. This event forms the starting point for a review of the recent literature on the role of human rights in Dutch foreign policy during the last few decades in both political science and history. Both disciplines share the 'decisionmaking analysis' in international relations theory as a common background. In addition, political scientists and historians have often found themselves researching the same human rights issues that affect Dutch relations with a series of non-Western countries. An explanation of Dutch policy is usually sought based on a combination of internaland external factors. In general, comparative analyses and research into its effectiveness are still conspicuous by their absence. All in all, there are more similarities than differences between recent political and historical studies on the role of human rights in Dutch foreign policy.

The Belgian foreign policy carried out by the prime minister Guy Verhofstadt & foreign minister Louis Michel is described as voluntaristic with ethical overtones & contrasted with the US policy of unilateralism. The state of the two countries' mutual relations before & after September 11 is outlined, & the growing division over the war in Irak is investigated. Excerpts from Michel's speeches are quoted to demonstrate the voluntaristic content & form of Belgian foreign policy within the EU & in Central Africa. The split within the EU on supporting the US intervention in Irak, with Belgium joining France & Germany in opposing George W. Bush's decision to invade this country, is described. It is pointed out that Belgium disagrees with the unilateral approach to foreign affairs adopted by the Bush government, as it: (1) replaces the principle of fellowship with followship, (2) dismisses the principle of multilateral consultation propagating its slogan of the "coalition of the willing," & (3) does not respect the "rules-based system" of international conduct. The prospects of Belgium's place in a future configuration of transatlantic relations are assessed, concluding that this country's voluntarism is less damaging to fellowship than American unilateralism. Z. Dubiel