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Consensus is a vague, but widely used concept in the study of political systems. It probably takes different forms in developed and newly-established countries. This study of local party officials in Morocco devises a quantitative index and shows that consensus decreases as the frame of reference becomes more immediate; national unity gets high agreement, party questions low: Do developed nations show less of a decrease on party questions? The author, who is with the Indiana University Department of Government, plans further research in North Africa and Pakistan on consensus, and invites comments aimed at improving this complicated area of comparative government studies. He thanks Karl Schuessler and Melvin De Fleur for their advice.

The National Building Code is an advisory document drafted in the form of a building by-law, that is publsihed at cost by the National Research Council as a service to the provinces and municipalities of Canada. Only when adopted or enacted by an appropriate municipal by-law does the National Building Code have legal effect. With the willing and expert assistance of authorities in all provinces, the Associate Committee has been guided in its efforts so to frame the National Building Code that it is in close accord with such provincial legislation, and in such form that it can be readily and properly put to legal use by municipalities throughout the country. ; Peer reviewed: No ; NRC publication: Yes

Recent developments in the study of international politics reflect two major emphases. One comprises a variety of attempts at systematization and stresses the "frame of reference" approach; the other seeks specific knowledge of national policies in greater detail and stresses the "area studies" approach. Theoretically, the first explains international politics in terms of broad generalizations applicable to all international actors insofar as they conform to an ideal model or depart therefrom in a calculable manner. The second seeks to understand international politics in terms of the relationship of foreign policy to the total social and historical context from which it emerges. This article is an attempt to find a middle ground between these two emphases.

Synopsis. — The Bogolubov boundary conditions for the weakening of initial state correlations are used to write explicitely the equation in an inhomogeneous system and in the two-body collisions approximation. The formalism employed is parallel to that develo-pped by Prigogine and co-workers, so that a comparison may be made with the equations derived by Prigogine and Severne. A complet identity of the results is established at least in the asymptotic limit (t →∞). Finally a different form of the boundary condition is proposed which permits the direct establishment of the identity of the two theories in a much more general form ; it is observed that, in addition, this boundary condition permits a treatment of Bogolubov's theory within the frame of the theory of Prigogine.

As others before him, the late Humphrey House once remarked upon the paucity of our knowledge concerning sexual behavior in Victorian England. For House the extreme reticence of the Victorians magnified the value of every fragment of evidence pertaining to sexual behavior that scholars uncovered. To fathom the meaning of the extreme reticence itself does not seem to have been particularly relevant to the problem for House. In this paper, which is an analysis of late-Victorian Sexual Respectability, not only the fragmentary sorts of knowledge that House alluded to, but a comparatively unexplored source, medical books, have been made meaningful and interpreted within the frame of reference of the Respectable Social System prevailing in England roughly between 1859 and 1895.

The question of the Chinese off-shore islands is not, for the time being, a central issue. But this situation is not likely to last; the theatre of operations is quickly shifting from the Mediterranean to the Pacific and back, from Formosa to North Africa. Is this still the Cold War, is it the Third World War asjkmes Burnham calls it, or a new era of permanent conflicts, taking place in One World where three billion people are just too jnany to coexist?Whichever it is, die West must fight it on two fronts: on the wide world scene and, simultaneously, against those whose Utopian frame of mind, and consequent blindness to the realities of power, block the way of elementary realism.

There is a substantially higher incidence of carrier landing accidents at night than during the day. Disasterously low final approaches, a major source of night landing accidents, have been attributed to a visual illusion involving overestimation of altitude. In order to evaluate visual performance in related tasks, subjective judgements of the altitude of a luminous horizontal bar relative to eye level were obtained in total darkness and in the presence of a peripheral artificial horizon. Errors as large as 1° visual angle, corresponding to 8 ft at a range of 500 ft from touchdown, occur frequently, indicating the inadequacy of direct visual contact unaided by artificial display devices. The dramatic reduction in variability resulting from the presence of the artificial horizon demonstrates the importance of a visual frame of reference or structure.

The long-time neglect of the military establishment by the economics profession at large is now in the process of being rectified. It hardly seems necessary to justify this awakening interest. Since resource allocation is fundamental in military problems, the economist, whose primary interest is the logic of the allocative process, is particularly well-qualified to make a contribution. To be sure, this contribution is purely formal. Economics helps to select and frame the questions that should be asked, but the data necessary for the decision-maker to make a choice must be supplied from elsewhere. Though economics may be lacking in substantive content, in that it tells how to choose rather than what to choose, nevertheless such clarification of the logic of choice is not useless to the decision-maker.

If "colonial politics" denotes the objectives of a metropolitan power vis-à-vis its colony, then, for purposes of this paper, we may define "colonial psychology" as the frame of reference that determines the attitudes of "metropolitans" vis-à-vis the "colonial problem." By "metropolitans" we mean the inhabitants of those Western societies that are linked to part of the non-West by the historical, political, economic and psychological ties that have always accentuated the dominance of the West. By "colony" we shall here mean only the areas with a multiracial population of which a white element considers itself so integrally a part that it feels itself more strongly associated with its own "colonial" society than with the metropolitan country of its origins.

National self-determination and the United Nations are modern concepts of political thought. Of the two the first is older and has struck much stronger roots. Its origin can be traced back to the American and French revolutions at the end of the eighteenth century. The latter gained recognition only in the period of the First World War. Both owe their conceptual frame and their ideological content to modem Western civilization, above all to Anglo-American thought. Yet the two concepts are to a degree contradictory: the United Nations envisages an international or supranational order at a time when nationalism—the insistence on national independence, self-determination, and self-expression as supreme political values and emotional guides—has for the first time in history become a world-wide phenomenon.

Arguments about Soviet foreign policy usually include a lively debate about whether the Politburo is made up of Marxists or Machiavellians. The defenders of the Machiavellian interpretation of Soviet behaviour insist that the Communists are just "power politicians" carrying out the historic Russian program of expansion under a new guise. Until recently this view has been by far the most popular with American scholars and laymen. Few people here even now would take the position diat the Soviet Union's actions are a blind fulfillment of Marxist-Leninist-Stalinist theory. Some would, however, insist that an understanding of this theory will facilitate interpretation of Soviet behaviour. Indeed, some Soviet policies and actions make much more sense when placed within a Stalinist frame of reference than as "power politics."

"This book seeks to establish a theory of personal and social disorganization and to indicate how such a theory may be applied to various social problems. Very few fields in modern sociology offer such an abundance of materials as does the field of modern social problems. In this connection, the sociologist suffers from an embarras de richesse. Much of this material, however, is unintegrated and lacking the systematic frames of reference which are progressively being cultivated in other areas of sociology. The approach in this book attempts to synthesize many of the modern views in anthropology, social psychology, and psychiatry which have begun to affect so vitally the field of modern sociology. The attempt has been made to sustain throughout the volume the indissoluble relationship between culture, the group, and the individual personality"--Preface. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2014 APA, all rights reserved).

It can be stated that case records probably will be more useful for research if the research objectives are conceived within the same frame of reference as that used by the worker in writing the records for purposes of treatment. The research objectives may deal with characteristics of persons or of situations revealed in treatment, or with the dynamics of treatment itself. The adequacy, validity, and representativeness of case records need to be appraised in relation to specific research objectives, through study of function, policies, and procedures of the agency in which they originate. The analysis of the problems and processes involved in the use of case records of social agencies for research purposes leads to the conclusion that this type of research requires a combination of skills in research and the professional practice of social work.

"Of the writing of texts in social psychology there is no end. The author or each of them believes that he has a special justification for offering his own particular version of the common theme, and I am no exception to this general rule. Perhaps I can formulate the raison d'etre of this volume by outlining a little of its history and by expressing my indebtedness to a few of the individuals from whom its main ideas have been borrowed. These and other converging influences have led me to frame nearly every kind of social-psychological problem in terms of psychological processes which take their particular form from the interactional context in which they occur. And I have come to see group memberships as providing the sine qua non for specifying the interactional context of human social behavior. Groups provide their members with shared frames of reference--particularly in the form of positions and roles, in terms of which they perceive themselves as well as one another. So little social behavior is immune to such shared influences, and so much of it is very largely determined by them, that I have come to accord them a central place in my own thinking. I hope that, in so doing, I have not fallen into the fallacy of assuming that social behavior springs merely from the interiorizing of social norms. This would be quite as disastrous as to ignore social norms altogether. At any rate, this point of view has led me to view social behavior as occurring on the part of biological organisms which are also group members. To understand it we must study both individual life and group life, in terms of a single body of coherent concepts and principles. I have therefore tried to sketch an outline of the psychology of group membership in a way which is neither merely psychological nor merely sociological but which, I hope, may contribute to the growth of a body of concepts and principles of truly social-psychological nature"--Preface. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2006 APA, all rights reserved)

This paper is primarily an impressionistic sketch of an on-going piece of family research. No conclusions can as yet be offered. Instead, I intend briefly to suggest a frame of reference for the study of family hostility as well as enumerate some of the procedures of field work used in the present project.Much has been written about the family by many sociologists of various persuasions. Yet a large part of this phase of sociological effort leaves one dissatisfied. Admittedly data on our own types of family structure are hidden from clear view precisely because of their familiarity as well as their privacy. But this fact is not sufficient to account for the disparity between the experienced complexity of family life and the sparsity of published details made significant by a sustained and incisive theoretic orientation. Headway could be made by the use of a frame of reference which combines sociological with psychological considerations, without confusing them, and which draws its vitality from the impassioned analyses of the structure of large-scale social systems and of individual character as begun by Weber and Freud. At the present time family research seems on the whole to have made little consistent use of the leads of kinship analysis and to have by-passed a cumulative effort at spelling out the empirical details of the social structure of various types of American families. As it is, we hear much about the family as a "unity of interacting personalities," about processes of accommodation or conflict, or about the kinds of valuation that marital partners place upon one another; yet we hear little of the intervening details which, in their fullness, would give us a sense of how indeed a family as an on-going concern functions and how the inherent or emergent demands of its social structure are met, how the social structure of a family is related meaningfully or functionally to the rest of the social system, and how any given family of orientation dissolves into successive families of procreation.