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Modern business groups have a powerful impact on the economic development of both developed and developing countries making it relevant to study the economic foundations of the success of these institutional structures. The article provides a systematization of international and national experience in the functioning of internal capital markets of business groups that can become one of most important strategic advantages of business groups by providing member companies with "exclusive" opportunities for efficient redistribution of intragroup funds. The methodological base of the study incorporates methods of systematization as well as statistical and comparative analysis. The study shows that business groups make a significant contribution to industrial production and, representing a large part of corporate sector (in terms of number of participants, industry coverage, size of assets, profits and market capitalization), play a significant role in the economic development of various countries. Internal capital markets of business groups are used to mitigate financing constraints and rescue weak member-companies, thus, help maintain and further strengthen the positions of integrated structures. Drawing on a wide range of empirical studies, the article highlights key effects of the redistribution of group financial resources in the context of three fundamental motives of controlling owners. The study demonstrates that under the current economic conditions Russian companies affiliated with business groups are imposed with more prerequisites to use internal capital markets to overcome external financing deficit. Estimated amounts of funds involved in financial transactions with related parties confirm the thesis on the growing role of Russian business groups' internal capital markets in corporate financing activities. Results and conclusions of this paper can be applied in practice by consultants and financial managers seeking to improve the funding of companies affiliated with both Russian and foreign business groups.

In article spiritual and moral features of youth leaders and their influence on followers are analyzed. We present the results of researches of the author of youth leadership dynamics. We show the results of empir-ical research of qualities inherent in youth leaders and results of studying of youth destructive leadership.

National identities, considered a guarantee of successful development, were among the priorities for the five newly independent states that emerged in the territory of what used to be the Soviet Central Asia and Kazakhstan-the Republic of Kazakhstan, the Kyrgyz Republic, the Republic of Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and the Republic of Uzbekistan. The process began when the Soviet Union still existed: the Soviet Central Asian republics and Kazakhstan adopted laws on language that allowed the Central Asian elites to pass decisions related to the languages used by titular nations. In the post-Soviet years the language policy moved to the fore as one of the key aspects of the gradually emerging national identities treated with special attention at the state level. No matter how similar the processes were, no matter how close the cultures and traditions, each of the Central Asian countries chose its own road, fine-tuned to the specifics of their domestic contexts and the interests of the elites in power. The processes unfolded in full compliance with social continuity, traditions, culture and national languages that survived under Soviet rule. The republics, however, had to take into account the national minorities, including the Russian-speaking populations, in all post-Soviet republics. Inherited from Soviet times, the Russian language was dominant in all of the Central Asian republics, and even preserved much of its influence in the newly independent post-Soviet Central Asian states. This means that they should have opted for a relatively balanced language policy up to and including the continual stage-by-stage contraction of the spheres in which Russian was predominantly used. For obvious reasons they could not push aside their trade and economic relations with Russia and ignore the role of the Soviet cultural and educational heritage. This cushioned the political effects of the Soviet Union's disintegration, partially limited the role of nationalist parties in the newly independent states and helped preserve their educational potential. Shaping national identities in the post-Soviet Central Asian countries was not a smooth, let alone easy, process: societies were far from homogenous, while the regions found it hard to agree to more or less reasonable compromises. This became especially apparent in Kyrgyzstan, which was divided into the southern and northern parts; in Kazakhstan, where the local society was divided into zhuzes; in Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan, where clans carried a lot of political weight. Thus the elites in power in all of the Central Asian states had no choice but to take into account very different or even clashing interests of informal groups and clans, and tune their policies accordingly. This means that the road towards national identities was far from simple: it meandered between contradictory trends and interests. This also explains the centuries-old mechanism of governance, namely, regional-clan approaches to various problems, which was in place in all of the Central Asian countries, functioning outside the party and state structures. While paying lip service to Communist ideology, leaders of the Central Asian republics invariably took the clan balance of power into account. From the very first days of independence, the Central Asian leaders remained loyal to the conceptual approach to national identities: they concentrated on historical heritage, culture, traditions and national language, the key element of national identity. Despite the fairly long history of their independence, the problem of national identity remains prominent in all of the Central Asian countries. It is intertwined with the problem of the emergence of statehood and development of political systems and the radical geopolitical shifts occurring against the background of mounting economic problems. This cannot but affect the situation in the Central Asian countries in which the process of shaping national identities has not yet been completed.

Статья посвящена проблеме выявления стратегических групп на рынке бизнес-образования. Авторами проведен систематический обзор публикаций по теме. Объект исследования в этих работах - развитые рынки бизнес-образования США и Западной Европы, предмет исследования - группы относительно однородных учреждений образования, демонстрирующих близкое стратегическое поведение (для их обозначения используется термин «стратегические группы»). Разделение участников рынка на стратегические группы для исследователей является основой для выявления факторов эффективности в соответствующих группах, а для руководителей учреждений образования и регуляторов рынка - предпосылкой построения содержательно интерпретируемых ранкингов (упорядоченных приоритетных списков) и рейтингов (сравнительных числовых оценок) школ. Целью работы является выявление тенденций в изменении подходов к группировке школ и факторов, которые кладутся в ее основу. Результаты анализа свидетельствуют о том, что имеет место перенос исследователями акцента с характеристик предлагаемых школами образовательных программ на позиционирование школ в широкой социальной и образовательной среде. Уровень стратегического анализа при этом растет, но обсуждение темы остается фрагментированным и охватывает лишь часть рынков бизнес-образования.

A variety of factors influence the degree to which national interest groups decide to transfer their competencies from national political arenas to the European Union level. Aiming to explain these differences the article proposes and tests several hypotheses, relating to groups' organizational properties as well as their relationship with national authorities and opposing interest organizations. The empirical analysis is based on original survey of Lithuanian interest groups operating at a national level, carried out in 2016. The data reveals that organization's decision to allocate more time to supranational level is very much based on its perceived relative power in the national interest group system. Europeanisation of Lithuanian interest groups is also highly dependent on its financial resources, policy field in which the group operates as well as membership in international or EU level organizations. Whereas group type and group's domestic embeddedness, that is its relationships with national authorities, has no effect on Europeanising.

A variety of factors influence the degree to which national interest groups decide to transfer their competencies from national political arenas to the European Union level. Aiming to explain these differences the article proposes and tests several hypotheses, relating to groups' organizational properties as well as their relationship with national authorities and opposing interest organizations. The empirical analysis is based on original survey of Lithuanian interest groups operating at a national level, carried out in 2016. The data reveals that organization's decision to allocate more time to supranational level is very much based on its perceived relative power in the national interest group system. Europeanisation of Lithuanian interest groups is also highly dependent on its financial resources, policy field in which the group operates as well as membership in international or EU level organizations. Whereas group type and group's domestic embeddedness, that is its relationships with national authorities, has no effect on Europeanising.

A variety of factors influence the degree to which national interest groups decide to transfer their competencies from national political arenas to the European Union level. Aiming to explain these differences the article proposes and tests several hypotheses, relating to groups' organizational properties as well as their relationship with national authorities and opposing interest organizations. The empirical analysis is based on original survey of Lithuanian interest groups operating at a national level, carried out in 2016. The data reveals that organization's decision to allocate more time to supranational level is very much based on its perceived relative power in the national interest group system. Europeanisation of Lithuanian interest groups is also highly dependent on its financial resources, policy field in which the group operates as well as membership in international or EU level organizations. Whereas group type and group's domestic embeddedness, that is its relationships with national authorities, has no effect on Europeanising.

A variety of factors influence the degree to which national interest groups decide to transfer their competencies from national political arenas to the European Union level. Aiming to explain these differences the article proposes and tests several hypotheses, relating to groups' organizational properties as well as their relationship with national authorities and opposing interest organizations. The empirical analysis is based on original survey of Lithuanian interest groups operating at a national level, carried out in 2016. The data reveals that organization's decision to allocate more time to supranational level is very much based on its perceived relative power in the national interest group system. Europeanisation of Lithuanian interest groups is also highly dependent on its financial resources, policy field in which the group operates as well as membership in international or EU level organizations. Whereas group type and group's domestic embeddedness, that is its relationships with national authorities, has no effect on Europeanising.

A variety of factors influence the degree to which national interest groups decide to transfer their competencies from national political arenas to the European Union level. Aiming to explain these differences the article proposes and tests several hypotheses, relating to groups' organizational properties as well as their relationship with national authorities and opposing interest organizations. The empirical analysis is based on original survey of Lithuanian interest groups operating at a national level, carried out in 2016. The data reveals that organization's decision to allocate more time to supranational level is very much based on its perceived relative power in the national interest group system. Europeanisation of Lithuanian interest groups is also highly dependent on its financial resources, policy field in which the group operates as well as membership in international or EU level organizations. Whereas group type and group's domestic embeddedness, that is its relationships with national authorities, has no effect on Europeanising. ; Straipsnyje analizuojama, kurios Lietuvos interesų grupės ir kokiomis sąlygomis veikia Europos Sąjungos lygmeniu. Siekiant paaiškinti šiuos skirtumus, keliamos ir tikrinamos hipotezės, remiantis šių grupių organizaciniais veiksniais ir santykiais su nacionaline valdžia ir oponuojančiomis organizacijomis. Pateikiami ir analizuojami 2016 m. atliktos originalios Lietuvos nacionalinių interesų grupių apklausos duomenys. Tyrimo rezultatai suteikia naujos informacijos apie Lietuvos interesų grupių europeizaciją. Empirinių duomenų analizė rodo, kad lobistinių veikų vykdymą Europos Sąjungos lygmeniu lemia organizacijos santykinė galia nacionalinėje interesų grupių sistemoje. Europeizacijai stiprų poveikį daro ir viešosios politikos sritis, finansiniai ištekliai, narystė tarptautinio lygmens interesų organizacijose. Organizacijos tipas ir jos santykiai su nacionalinėmis valdžios institucijomis europeizacijai nėra svarbūs.

Over the last few decades, immigrant adaptation issues have continued to bear relevance both in Russia and around the world. Those who relocated to new places of residence no longer attach themselves to one place (locale), nation (state-civil community), or culture, which, of course, takes a toll on their self-perception and adaptation – this creates new opportunity and new dimensions in terms of identity. This mostly applies to civil, ethnic and local identities, due to their complex nature and their proportion between the country of origin and host environment. Both foreign and Russian researchers recognize the importance of studying immigrant identities, which is regarded as one of the components of their capacity for integration. This article considers the proportion of Russian identity, identity of country of origin, as well as local and ethnic identities of Azerbaijani immigrants living in Russia. Their readiness to transform their self-consciousness, with it being a key indicator of their integration into Russian society, is analyzed. This study's empirical basis consists of data from an all-Russian survey among labor immigrants, conducted by the HSE and CEPRS in 19 Russian regions in 2017, as well as data from semi-structured interviews with Azerbaijani immigrants living in Moscow, which helped identify situational factors in their hierarchy of identities and understand the foundations on which their self-consciousness is based. Analyzed is how immigrants' identity structure is influenced by age and place of residence, education level, type of immigration and duration of stay in Russia. It was revealed, based on in-depth interviews, that Russian identity among Azerbaijanis is based around a state-civil foundation, while in the case of elder generations it is based around their having been a common nation in the past. A conclusion is drawn indicating a transnational direction in Azerbaijani immigrants' identity, with ethnic identity prevailing, which fits in favorably with a developing sense of connection to Russia both among circular and long-term migrants. In relation to comparable studies conducted in 2011, analyzed are the increasingly more positive assessments of the host Russian environment by Azerbaijani immigrants, which, in our estimation, creates a favorable foundation for developing a positive Russian identity among them.