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The author outlines different understandings of homophobia, from the original meaning of an irrational fear homosexuals & homosexuality. to a more recent one in which it is equated with racism & antisemitism. Kurelie argues that the term is vague & politically counterproductive. By analyzing the debate on The Law on Registered Partnership in the Croatian parliament (Sabor), the author shows why, in his opinion, the Croatian parliament cannot be labeled homophobic, & why the concept of homophobia should be used only for serious manifestations of this phobia. The author suggests that a distinction should be made between homophobia & heterosexism & that the concept of antihomosexualism should be introduced. References. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the deterioration of the professional standards in journalism both globally & nationally (in Croatia) in relation to the problem of the freedom of the media. It seems there is a vicious circle at work here: journalists often commit blunders & these mistakes are then used by the parties in power -- as well as by the media owners, often in collusion with these parties -- to restrict the freedom of the media. The author argues that due to the power wielded by the media today, their ownership should be transparent. Besides, the relations between the journalists & the media owners should be properly regulated, which might result in more responsible journalism. 8 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the deterioration of the professional standards in journalism both globally & nationally (in Croatia) in relation to the problem of the freedom of the media. It seems there is a vicious circle at work here: journalists often commit blunders & these mistakes are then used by the parties in power -- as well as by the media owners, often in collusion with these parties -- to restrict the freedom of the media. The author argues that due to the power wielded by the media today, their ownership should be transparent. Besides, the relations between the journalists & the media owners should be properly regulated, which might result in more responsible journalism. 8 References. Adapted from the source document.

Discusses the possibility, meaning, & definition of a prospective supranational identity, a concept assuming greater importance at the close of the 20th century. A primary focus of the analysis is on subjective interpretations of supranationality, eg, the correlation between supranationality & group identity. In an attempt to determine whether a true supranational identity actually exists, the elements that compose such an identity are defined: interdependence, normative universalism, global outlook, & world order. It is concluded that a supranational identity is not only extant, but necessary. 27 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author deals with the problem of adjustment to the Bologna process, using the philosophical-political distinctions between open & guided intertraditional exchange, & between utopian & piecemeal social engineering. In his opinion, the process might be perceived as a sort of cultural imperialism that need not be disastrous for its victims. The reform should create the conditions for the organization of serious multidisciplinary studies at the university level (European studies, American studies, gender studies, peace studies, etc). Should changes at the U of Zagreb be implemented systematically, though prudently, the results could be positive. However, the author warns that the role of tradition should not be underestimated nor the possibility of serious quandaries in the implementation of the reform of higher education excluded, even if the changes are introduced gradually. 4 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author looks into the possibility of the emergence of a structure that would have a suitable regulative capacity to control the process of globalization. First he gives an account of the state & its possibilities. His starting assumption is that the state is a social structure supposed to stabilize interactive communication in a relatively big space. In the last 200 years, the developed states have been characterized by a democratic consensus (whose potentials have not been fully exploited) & by the proliferation of the state apparatus. However, this condition has been challenged by the colossal technological advances of the late 20th century. The sovereignty of states at the political & economic level is no longer viable. The author wonders whether the evolution of the modern state could be repeated in the course of establishing a global order. The first step would be the establishment of the global monopoly of force. This is not impossible, but the problem is that it may not be stable. The second step is the social consensus that would encompass the whole world. The author's starting assumption is that each legitimization consensus contains the elements of the former consensus. The global expansion of democratic consensus is unlikely, as are democratic joint decision making, liberty, legal equality, & a minimum of social welfare. The third step is the establishment of a global management system. It has been shown that such a system can emerge, although the global monopoly of force has not been stabilized, & there is no global social consensus. The author concludes that today's states are becoming parts of planetary regulating mechanisms & the hub of the global organizational networks. 21 References. Adapted from the source document.

In this paper the author analyses the possibility of 'creating' a European political people and forming a European political identity and a European political community. In the first, theoretical part of the paper, the author defines two concepts of people -- demos and ethnos -- and describes problems in identity building on purely political grounds of people as demos. By examining the references on a European political people in the EU legal foundations, the author illustrates dual premises of legitimacy for the Union and the Union's identity referents which are generally of a universalist nature. In the second, empirical part of the paper, the author presents how the European identity is formed, in line with classic distinction between 'civic' and 'ethnic' identity. Since the Eurobarometer survey showed a low level of European identification of EU member states' citizens, the author presents concepts which aim to overcome the low level of European affiliation. In the final part of the paper the question which is examined is whether the existence of a European political people is necessary for the future of the European integration. To this end, the author uses various theoretical approaches to the 'creation' of a European political people: economic/market approach, communitarian/statist approach, 'constitutional patriotism' of Habermas, Weiler's 'multiple demoi' and pluralism/particularism. Adapted from the source document.

In this paper the author analyses the possibility of 'creating' a European political people and forming a European political identity and a European political community. In the first, theoretical part of the paper, the author defines two concepts of people -- demos and ethnos -- and describes problems in identity building on purely political grounds of people as demos. By examining the references on a European political people in the EU legal foundations, the author illustrates dual premises of legitimacy for the Union and the Union's identity referents which are generally of a universalist nature. In the second, empirical part of the paper, the author presents how the European identity is formed, in line with classic distinction between 'civic' and 'ethnic' identity. Since the Eurobarometer survey showed a low level of European identification of EU member states' citizens, the author presents concepts which aim to overcome the low level of European affiliation. In the final part of the paper the question which is examined is whether the existence of a European political people is necessary for the future of the European integration. To this end, the author uses various theoretical approaches to the 'creation' of a European political people: economic/market approach, communitarian/statist approach, 'constitutional patriotism' of Habermas, Weiler's 'multiple demoi' and pluralism/particularism. Adapted from the source document.

Taking as his starting point the methodological instructions of the American liberal politologist, Adam Przeworski, about the importance of the action-theory analysis of the transformational dynamics of postauthoritarian societies, the author looks into the prospects of liberal reforms in Eastern Europe. The central thesis of the article is that the reforms' success depends on the balance of power between the liberal & the national-populist elites, who vie for public support. The outcome of that struggle will depend on the way in which the competing elites will act in response to the five essential contextual factors: the need for economic & social security, the expectations of social justice, the dynamics of the integration with the West, the articulation of the national identity within a national state, &, perhaps, the existence of ethnic minorities (ie, the threat of interethnic conflicts). Adapted from the source document.

The paper deals with the factors that determine the scope of the participation of women in parliamentary decision making. That scope depends, on the one hand, on the self-organization of women (in the US), & on the other, on the intervention of political agencies (the state, as is the case in socialist countries, or political parties, as is the case in Western democracies). Without either, the percentage of women participating in politics is drastically reduced (which happened in the countries in transition). 1 Table, 2 Graphs, 12 References. Adapted from the source document.