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Copy of Equal Rights, vol. XIX, number 1 with articles reporting upon the death of Alva Belmont in Paris and protests of women's organisations. An article by Jane Norman Smith entitled 'Wage Laws Result in Unemployment' is also featured, discussing the "movement for minimum wages legislation for women and the cutting of their hours"

An address made by Jane Norman Smith as printed in Equal Rights, vol.XIV, number 51, laying out achievements of the National Woman's Party, both in the U.S. and internationally. Their launching of the Equal Rights treaty at the Pan-American Conference is noted as an important step is raising feminist support across the world

Within this printed book Henrietta Muir Edwards promotes the advancement of women's legal status in Canada, drawing on 'Provincial laws relating to naturalization, franchise, crime, marriage, divorce, property, devolution of estates, mothers and children, employment, and other subjects' to make her case. This work was published at the request of the National Council of Women of Canada and printed in 1924

Draft of an article about racist attitudes and policies targeting Japanese Americans. Handwritten note at the top of page one reads "this belongs to Bill Sasegawa." ; Series: Joseph R. Goodman correspondence and other papers, 1942-1943 ; To the western mind the Oriental seems to wear a mask; Joseph R. Goodman papers on Japanese American incarceration, MS-840; California Historical Society.

To many, Joy McDiarmid was a successful Winnipeg writer and public relations consultant. In truth she was leading a complex double life. Behind an outer mask of accomplishment she battled in the twilight zones of mental health, sexual identity, and imprecise gender

Memo regarding voting in a California State Senate resolution that all state employees born in Japan, holding dual citizenship, renounce Japan and swear loyalty to the United States of America and the State of California. The legislation passed 41 to 22. ; Series: Japanese American Citizens League of San Francisco records and publications, 1942 ; Memo from the Office of the National Secretary, National Headquarters, Japanese American Citizens' League to all chapters, January 24, 1942; Joseph R. Goodman papers on Japanese American incarceration, MS-840; California Historical Society.

Compiled memos labeled "confidential - not for publication, reproduced for circulation exclusively among employees of the War Relocation Authority." Section headings and subheadings are listed below. Foreword, contents, definitions. Backgrounds: the Issei, dual citizenship, Nisei, Issei vs. Nisei, Americanization of the Nisei, importance of school influence, intense desire to conform, a change in position of women, adoption of western dress, effect of religion, end of the caste system, examples of economic and social ambition, loyalty of group, "fish out of water," Nisei dependence on Issei waning, Japanese-American organizations, Japanese language schools, Japanese newspapers. Protection of the loyal evacuees: Segregation of disloyal influence recommended, why certain of the Kibei are dangerous, procedure for segregation, opportunity for change in classification, segregation of disloyal aliens, committees of loyal Nisei can help, release of certain internees possible, general effect of segregation desirable. Recommendations for relocation centers - general guides in dealing with evacuees: suggestions for work (make enlistment in work corps a privilege, semi-military structure proposed, suggestions for insignia, voluntary enlistment should be stressed, plan for use of work corps in harvesting, advantages of harvesting plan, general views on employability of evacuees). Suggestions for community life: the pattern should be American. Suggestions for an Americanization program: importance of the Caucasian teacher, views on self-government, Buddhism and Shintoism, youth organizations, care of orphans, intelligence work within relocation centers, documentation. Conclusion. Document number 6-0058. ; Series: War Relocation Authority records, 1942-1943 ; Japanese question in the United States: A compilation of memoranda by Lt. Com. K. D. Ringle; Joseph R. Goodman papers on Japanese American incarceration, MS-840; California Historical Society.

Federalism has been described by Dicey as "a political contrivance intended to reconcile national unity and power with the maintenance of 'state right'". Dr. Schmitt, a contemporary German student of federal institutions, has stated that "the nature of union consists in a dualism of the political existence, in a combination of federative common existence and political unity on the one hand with the continuance of plurality, of a pluralism of political individual unities, on the other". Lord Bryce had expressed the same thought in more picturesque language in his earlier study of federal institutions in the United States.The central or national government and the State governments may be compared to a large building and a set of smaller buildings standing on the same ground yet distinct from each other. It is a combination sometimes seen where a great church has been erected over more ancient homes of worship. First the soil is covered by a number of small shrines and chapels, built at different times and in different styles of architecture, each complete in itself. Then over them and including them all in its spacious fabric there is reared a new pile with its own loftier roof, its own walls, which may rest upon and incorporate the walls of the older shrines, its own internal plan. The identity of the earlier buildings has, however, not been obliterated; and if the later and larger structure were to disappear, a little repair would enable them to keep out wind and weather, and be again what they once were, distinct and separate edifices.

The professions, conceived as a select body of superior occupations, have existed from time immemorial, although their identity has often been in dispute. The ancients wrote and argued about them, while Herbert Spencer traced their origin among primitive peoples. The earliest view to which we need here pay attention was that occupations should be judged and valued according to their compatibility with the good life. They were to be tested by their effect on the giver of the service rather than on the recipient. The professions were, in English parlance, the occupations suitable for a gentleman. This idea naturally flourished in societies which distinguished sharply between life lived as an end in itself, and life passed in pursuit of the means which enable others to live as free civilized men should. The professions in such a society were those means to living which were most innocuous, in that they did not dull the brain, like manual labour, nor corrupt the soul, like commerce. They even contained within themselves qualities and virtues which might well find a place among the ends of the good life itself. Leisure, based on the ownership of land or of slaves, was the chief mark of aristocracy, and here too the professions were but slightly inferior. For leisure does not mean idleness. It means the freedom to choose your activities according to your own preferences and your own standards of what is best. The professions, it was said, enjoyed this kind of freedom, not so much because they were free from the control of an employer—that was assumed—but rather because, for them, choice was not restricted and confined by economic pressure. The professional man, it has been said, does not work in order to be paid: he is paid in order that he may work. Every decision he takes in the course of his career is based on his sense of what is right, not on his estimate of what is profitable. That, at least, is the impression he would like to create when defending his claim to superior status.

Economists of the past century generally believed that, beneath the appearance of social conflict, there was a fundamental harmony, if not identity, of economic interest, and that this harmony of interest existed not only for different social classes and occupational groups, but also for different regions within a nation state and even for different nation states themselves. This belief in a universal community of interest, which led to the notion of a world policy which would serve human welfare conceived as a whole, rested on certain explicit and implied articles of faith, viz. (1) on the proposition derived from Pareto's law, that all social classes benefit from an increase, and suffer from a diminution, of the national real income; (2) on the assumption of mobility of labour and capital within the national state and even across international borders; (3) on the laissez-faire theory of international trade, which invoked the principle of comparative advantage; (4) on the belief that competitive private enterprise, if left alone, naturally achieved the maximization of production along the most economic lines. Competition among sellers led to the adoption of the most efficient processes and the extension of production to the point of least profitability, that is, to the point where the least efficient firm in the industry earned no profits above "normal" interest on capital and average wages of management. Competition among buyers was likewise an operative principle for social good, for it resulted in the allocation of the productive resources so as to satisfy in the order of their importance the most urgent social wants. A final assumption was that social welfare, consisting of the sum of satisfactions, could be measured in pecuniary terms. Thus an addition to the money income of a large group was held more than to offset the real sacrifices of any small group, regardless of the level of subsistence enjoyed by the two groups before the change occurred. The natural corollary of these assumptions was that the test of national policy was its effect on the national real income. But this could not always be determined or, with respect to future policy, accurately predicted. Since, however, profitability was regarded both as the guide to the most urgent in the hierarchy of social wants and as the single stimulus to increased production, it was believed that the anticipation of high profits was a rough and ready indication of an increase in the national real income. Hence profitability was the criterion of welfare and the compass of national policy. In policy so conceived and so directed all classes were held to have a common interest.