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The intrusion of management as major referenceof the functioning of our societies, raises thequestion on the de-institutionalization of theinstitution and, as reflection, that of theinstitutionalization of the organization, in a dualevolutionary perspective and directed asunavoidable. The modalities of businessmanagement are placed in effect between theinstitutionalization (caused by the generalization of their practices in the "corporate purposes")and the institutional frame that surrounds them,and understood in their extension in terms ofgovernance. This ambiguity is tied to the vaguedefinition of the institution and the organizationand to their reciprocally problematic location. Thegeneral hypothesis of this text will be theorthogonality (and not the opposition) between"institution" and "organization". It will bereasoned generally from the point of differencesand not from the opposition of both terms basedon three arguments: a political argument, atheoretical argument and an epistemologicalargument. ; La intrusión de la Administración como referencia principal del funcionamiento de nuestras sociedades, plantea el interrogante sobre la desinstitucionalización de la institución y, como reflejo, aquella de la institucionalización de la organización, en una perspectiva evolucionista dual y direccionada como ineludible. Las modalidades de gestión empresarial se sitúan en efecto entre la institucionalización (causada por la generalización de sus prácticas en los «objetos sociales») y el marco institucional que las rodea, incluso en su extensión en términos de gobernanza. Esta ambigüedad está ligada a la vaga definición de la institución y de la organización y a su localización recíprocamente problemática. La hipótesis general de este texto será la ortogonalidad (y no la oposición) entre «institución» y «organización». Se razonará generalmente a partir de las diferencias y no por la oposición de los dos términos á partir de tres argumentos: un argumento político, un argumento teórico y un argumento epistemológico

Obra perteneciente al Fondo Antiguo de la Biblioteca de la USAL

El artículo procura indagar distintos modos de abordar el discurrir del neoliberalismo, destacando cómo se anuda con las nociones de acción, tiempo e institución. En primer lugar, recupera una lectura crítica de la doxa que se organizó alrededor del curso de Foucault "El nacimiento de la biopolítica"; luego compara dos investigaciones contemporáneas sobre cómo pudo operar, y sigue operando, el neoliberalismo en América Latina; finalmente, y a la luz de nuestra cuestión medular, esbozamos una discusión teórica en torno al vínculo entre las figuras de la práctica y la de la institución a partir de la perspectiva inaugurada por Merleau-Ponty. En suma, se trata de reponer la complejidad del fenómeno cruzando los enfoques filosóficos con investigaciones de talante empírico intentando extraer sus consecuencias teóricas y política. ; The article tries to investigate different ways of approaching the course of neoliberalism, highlighting how it is knotted with the notions of action, time and institution. In the first place, it recovers a critical reading of the doxa that was organized around Foucault's course "The Birth of Biopolitics"; then he compares two contemporary investigations on how neoliberalism in Latin America could operate, and continues to operate; finally, and in light of our core issue, we outline a theoretical discussion about the link between the figures of practice and that of the institution from the perspective inaugurated by Merleau-Ponty. In short, it is a matter of replenishing the complexity of the phenomenon by crossing philosophical approaches with empirical research, trying to extract its theoretical and political consequences. ; Fil: Eiff, Leonardo Daniel. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina. Universidad Nacional de General Sarmiento; Argentina

The present work aims to point out some possible tasks for the Karl-Otto Apel´s discourse ethics today. Such tasks may concentrate on the need for a theory of the institutionalization of practical discourse, as a form of socially realized practical rationality. The question that has to be answered is what frame conditions should be found in the discourse so that it can be put into practice and what political-institutional effects it can produce in the context of really existing institutions. Starting with Gehlen and Luhmann -although to a lesser extent-, Apel interprets institutions as systems of self-affirmation that, on the one hand, free the subjects from the burden of action, but, on the other hand, limit or determine the consensual-argumentative rationality of discourse. The functional coercions (Sachzwänge) of the institutions configure a field of action and a type of rationality that, according to Apel, should be under the control of institutionalized discourse as a rational public sphere (Öffentlichkeit). The relationship between the ideal normative criteria of the institutionalized practical discourse and the existing institutions must be interpreted as a non-surmountable dialectical tension or intertwining. If this interpretation is correct, the discourse ethics, as a critical theory of society, cannot be understood as an application without more ideal normative criteria to the historical reality or adaptation of that reality to ideal criteria in its vertical sense, but as a mutual horizontal correlation.

The present work aims to point out some possible tasks for the Karl-Otto Apel´s discourse ethics today. Such tasks may concentrate on the need for a theory of the institutionalization of practical discourse, as a form of socially realized practical rationality. The question that has to be answered is what frame conditions should be found in the discourse so that it can be put into practice and what political-institutional effects it can produce in the context of really existing institutions. Starting with Gehlen and Luhmann -although to a lesser extent-, Apel interprets institutions as systems of self-affirmation that, on the one hand, free the subjects from the burden of action, but, on the other hand, limit or determine the consensual-argumentative rationality of discourse. The functional coercions (Sachzwänge) of the institutions configure a field of action and a type of rationality that, according to Apel, should be under the control of institutionalized discourse as a rational public sphere (Öffentlichkeit). The relationship between the ideal normative criteria of the institutionalized practical discourse and the existing institutions must be interpreted as a non-surmountable dialectical tension or intertwining. If this interpretation is correct, the discourse ethics, as a critical theory of society, cannot be understood as an application without more ideal normative criteria to the historical reality or adaptation of that reality to ideal criteria in its vertical sense, but as a mutual horizontal correlation.

ABSTRACT The present study aims to identify the importance of Islamic micro-financing schemes among the financial institutions and also determine the knowledge and attitudes of the respondents towards Shari'ah based financial products. A mixed-method approach, including quantitative and qualitative designs, has been employed by recruiting 255 and 15 respondents, respectively. The results showed no significant differences between respondents' knowledge and access to Shari'a-compliant finance. Similarly, there were no significant differences between respondents depending on their length of stay in the UK, ethnicity, and employment status. Moreover, this required financial support and empowerment from the government and related institutions.

This paper investigates the causal impact of non-state armed groups on local institutions during the armed conflict in Colombia, and tests competing theoretical mechanisms that may shape such effect. Our identification strategy is based on the construction of contiguous-pairs of rural communities that share common socio-economic characteristics but differ in armed group presence. The results show that the presence of armed groups is associated with increases in overall participation in local organizations, with a particularly strong effect on political organizations. This strengthening of local institutions during wartime appears to be driven by coercion exercised by armed groups that capture local organizations for strategic war purposes, rather than a reflection of a vibrant civil society