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Wirtschaftsanalyse der Staaten der Arabischen Halbinsel sowohl als Wirtschaftsbund (Golf-Kooperationsrat) als auch Einzelstudien (besonders der Emirate, Jemens und Kuwaits); wirtschaftliche Zusammenarbeit und die Wachstumsperspektiven; nach Handwerks-, Rohstoff- und Industriezweigen gegliedert. (DOI)

Balogh, Andras: L'unite perdue de la Mediterranee. - S. 15-22. Bono, Salvatore: Europe et Islam en Mediterranee. - S. 23-32. J. Nagy, Laszlo: Cultiver la Mediterranee. - S. 33-38. Olajos, Terez: Une source inobservee concernant l'histoire des Slaves du Peloponnese. - S. 39-44. Makk, Ferenc: La Hongrie et les Balkans au XIIe siecle. - S. 45-54. Galamb, György: Ville et campagne dans la vie religieuse de la Mediterranee occidentale aux XIe-XIIe siecles. - S. 55-60. Szasz, Geza: A nyugati frankok kiszorulasa a Mediterraneumbol: a Marca Hispanica önallova valasa. - S. 61-68. Anatra, Bruno: L'espace mediterraneen vu par les ambassadeurs venitiens. - S. 69-76. Kukovecz, György: The Mediterranean world in modern state theories. - S. 77-88. Köver, Lajos: Un rapport francais sur l'expansion commerciale hongroise dans la Mediterranee (env. 1760). - S. 89-92. Fischer, Ferenc: Vergessene Memoiren über die Großmachtsbestrebungen des Kaiserlichen Deutschlands im östlichen Mittelmeerraum (1898-1918). - S. 93-98. (...) Huetz De Lemps, Xavier: Les migrations entre l'Espagne et le Maghreb aux XIXe et XXe siecles. - S. 105-116. Csejtei, Dezsö: Jose Ortega y Gasset y el mundo mediterraneo. - S. 117-124. Harsanyi, Ivan: La mise en place d'un Etat corporatif au cours du regime dictatorial de Franco. - S. 125-134. Szilagyi, Istvan: International comparing of the Spanish democratic transition and consolidation. - S. 135-142. (...) Abdi, Nourredine: La Mediterranee dans le monde arabe. - S. 151-173. Pap, Norbert: Centrifugalis es centripetalis erök az olasz allamterben. - S. 175-186. Marton, Imre: Ne taszitsuk a törtenelmi feledesbe a föld rabjainak harcait, remenyeit, utkereseset. - S. 187-194

After getting rid of ISIL's military presence in Iraq, the problem of having a strategic vision in recruiting the PMF strengthened national security. In addition to the internal and external challenges that do not agree on a unified vision about these forces, which now has a law and regulation governing its work. In light of these changes, a vision is formed of the possibilities of employing these forces and making them an independent institution linked to the commander in chief of the Iraqi armed forces while preserving their national identity. The study was divided into two major parts. The first included the political and doctrinal dimensions of issuing the fatwa of jihad and the stage that witnessed the establishment of Hashed al-Shaabi. The second part included the strategic vision of employing Hashed al-Shaabi in a post- ISIL period. This part dealt with the obstacles to the strategic recruitment of Hashed al-Shaabi. Internal obstacles such as terrorism, political sectarianism and administrative corruption. The external obstacles dealt with the positions of some international and regional forces toward Hashed al-Shaabi and It's relationship with Iran. The last part discussed the possibilities of strategic recruitment of Hashed al-Shaabi in Iraq. The study relied on a number of references that dealt with the subject of Hashed al-Shaabi in several languages, such as books, analysis of research centers and academic articles for specialized researchers and media such as newspapers and television. In addition to the laws and decisions of the Iraqi government issued about Hashed al-Shaabi.

During the Cold War, the Philippines was an indispensable US ally, and this was still basically the case at the turn of the 21st century. However, the inauguration of President Rodrigo Duterte in June 2016 heralded great changes for the international position of the Philippines: a shift towards China and Russia occurred, followed by the emergence of a more balanced foreign policy. The partnership with the US has changed, too: during the Obama administration, the relationship between the two countries became cooler, although the foundations of the alliance were never contested. In the wake of Donald Trump's assumption of office in January 2017, the alliance seems to have become as strong as before, and economic as well as security-military cooperation has continued. The author's aim is to analyze the Philippines' position in the US-led world order from 1945 to the present, as well as the foundations of the United States–Philippines special relationship. After that the main components of Duterte's "independent" foreign policy and the fundamental changes in the Philippines' foreign relations are presented. The analysis focuses on the causes of the conflict at the end of Barack Obama's presidency, followed by the improving partnership during the Trump era and the main geopolitical challenges the alliance has had to face. According to its conclusion the US–Philippines security cooperation will remain strong under Presidents Duterte and Trump due to strategic considerations, which indicate the military alliance is in the interests of both nations.

von Großbritanien 1956 bis USA 2001. + Ägypten und USA. + Gamil el-Batouti 1999. + Terror des Wortes. + Teil 1: Vor dem 11. September. + Von dem kommunistischen Terror zu dem islamischen Terror. + Das Rassismus gegen die Araber und Muslime. + Teil 2: Nach dem 11. September