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An account of my attempts to overcome the obstacles of my unemployment by accepting a job offer at an organic farm in Napa. This article touches on the broader economic forces currently impacting our nation, the marijuana economy as it relates to vineyards, issues of disability, and the relevance of John Steinbecks' "The Grapes of Wrath" to the present day.

Die Bekämpfung der Arbeitslosigkeit genießt oberste wirtschaftspolitische Priorität - dieser Feststellung wird kaum jemand widersprechen wollen. Eher scheiden sich die Geister an der Frage nach dem \wirklichen" quantitativen Ausmaß der Unterbeschäftigung, ihren Ursachen und welche Maßnahmen Erfolg versprechen. Folglich bildet eine Analyse dieser Themen den Inhalt dieses Beitrags.

This paper analyzes the determinants of protectionism in a small open economy with search frictions. This this environment, jobs generate rents whose access depends on the level of trade protectionn. By raising the domestic price of a good, a government may attract more firms in a particular industry. This raises the probability that workers will find jobs in this sector, and in turn, will benefit from the associated rents. Though simple, this channel may help explain a variety of stylized facts on the structure of trade protection and individual trade-policy preferences.

This paper analyzes the determinants of protectionism in a small open economy with search frictions a la PISSARIDES (2000). In equilibrium, jobs generate rents in each sector. Like in the Ricardo-Viner model, the magnitude of those rents may depend on the level of trade protection. The distinct feature of our model is that trade protection may also affect the access to those rents. By raising the domestic price of a given good, a government may attract more firms in a given industry. This raises the probability that a worker will find a job in this sector, and in turn, will benefit from the associated rents. Though simple, our model may help explain a variety of stylized facts regarding the structure of trade protection and individual trade-policy preferences.

This article shows how an analysis of job types can deepen our understanding of job quality and how job quality varies across 27 European countries. First, using the European Working Conditions Survey 2005, a taxonomy of six job types is developed and their quality established. This taxonomy suggests that there are different types of high- and low-quality jobs. Second, institutional theory is drawn on to examine why job quality varies cross-nationally. The results of a multilevel analysis indicate that national differences in institutional regimes (social democratic, continental, liberal, southern European, transitional) result in cross-national variation in both the level of job quality (i.e. the overall proportions of high- and low-quality jobs) and the nature of job quality (i.e. the particular types of high- and low-quality jobs found). It is concluded that institutional theory is able to explain the level but not the nature of cross-national variation in job quality. © The Author(s) 2013.

We construct indicators of the perception of job security for various types of jobs in 12 European countries using individual data from the European Community Household Panel (ECHP). We then consider the relation between reported job security and OECD summary measures of Employment Protection Legislation (EPL) strictness on one hand, and Unemployment Insurance Benefit (UIB) generosity on the other. We find that, after controlling for selection into job types, workers feel most secure in permanent public sector jobs, least secure in temporary jobs, with permanent private sector jobs occupying an intermediate position. We also find that perceived job security in both permanent private and temporary jobs is positively correlated with UIB generosity, while the relationship with EPL strictness is negative: workers feel less secure in countries where jobs are more protected. These correlations are absent for permanent public jobs, suggesting that such jobs are perceived to be by and large insulated from labor market fluctuations.

Between the ages of 25 and 64, American adults work for an average of eight employers. Occupational change is less frequent; major changes in career direction are rare.