Suchergebnisse

Recent research on multiple modernities and hybridity has brought under fruitful criticism earlier Eurocentric accounts that constructed non-Western countries as passive receivers of European modernism. It has revealed the complexity of interactions across geographies and brought into focus processes of cross-pollination and interpretation, and the dimension of power and agency. However the majority of studies examine the relationship between a 'Western' and a 'non-Western' context, hence missing issues of influence and antagonism among the neighbouring 'peripheral' actors themselves. Building on this stream of scholarship and in response to this vacuum, my research examines the multi-directional flow of ideas and people between Western Europe, Turkey and Greece in the early 20th century, within the framework of modernisation and nation-building. Through this 'triangulation', it aims to contribute to the critique of constructed categories such as East-West bipolarities, to uncover unexplored interactions, and to address the complexity of drawing geographical and temporal borders. The window through which this exploration takes place is the transition of two cities, Thessaloniki and Izmir, from the Ottoman context to two separate nation-states. Having lost their minority communities and having been devastated by fire in 1917 and 1922 respectively, they were redesigned by French and English architects. Drawing from reader theory and critical studies on nation-building and modernisation, and based on extensive archival research in Greece, Turkey and France, I explore the urbanist and architectural activity in these two cities during a period when identities were debated and (trans)formed as the Ottoman Empire was dissolved. The relevance of this research lies in its offering a new approach to the modern architectural history of Izmir and Thessaloniki, with wider implications in terms of historical analysis, in its uncovering of unvoiced aspects of the region's encounters with its past and with the deemed West, and in its contribution to a critical re-reading of our past and present today.

Has 20 years of separation between the Republics of Moldova and Pridnestrovie (Transnistria, PMR) generated a division in attitudes and beliefs in the two populations? Using near-simultaneous social scientific surveys from the summer of 2010 in the two republics, we measured four localized geopolitical divides: the local economies, historical memories, political legitimacies, and geopolitical orientations. Our findings challenge the notion that Moldova's territorial disunion has produced separate experiential and attitudinal worlds. Complicating geopolitical commentary that locates an East-West fault-line running through Moldova, we find that separateness has not created an attitudinal chasm, but prospects of ending the separation are not supported by the surveys.

The existence of Laos today is taken for granted. But the crystallization of a Lao national idea and ultimate independence for the country was a long and uncertain process. This book examines the process through which Laos came into existence under French colonial rule through to the end of World War II. Rather than assuming that the Laos we see today was an historical given, the book looks at how Laos's position at the intersection of two conflicting spatial layouts of 'Thailand' and 'Indochina' made its national form a particularly contested process. This, however, is not an analysis of nation-building from the perspec-tive of administrative and political structures. Rather, the book charts the emergence of a notion of a specifically Lao cultural identity that served to buttress Laos as a separate 'Lao space', both in relation to Siam/Thailand and within French Indochina.

"April 7, 2009" printed in error on t.p. and p. iii ; Shipping list no: 2010-0105-P ; Mode of access: Internet.

For decades since the formation of the defense establishment under the 1947 National Security Act, all U.S. cabinet departments, national security agencies, and military services involved in providing for the common defense have struggled to overcome differences in policy and strategy formulation, organizational cultures, and even basic terminology. Post-September 11, 2001, international systems, security environments, U.S. military campaigns in Afghanistan and Iraq, and the greater Global War on Terrorism have confronted civilian policymakers and senior military officers with a complex, fluid battlefield which demands kinetic and counterinsurgency capabilities. This monograph addresses the security, stability, transition, and reconstruction missions that place the most pressure on interagency communication and coordination. The results from Kabul to Baghdad reveal that the interagency process is in need of reform and that a more robust effort to integrate and align civilian and military elements is a prerequisite for success. ; ".The Bush School and the U.S. Army War College's Strategic Studies Institute sponsored a research symposium to outline interagency policy issues and craft recommendations. The symposium, entitled 'The interagency process in support and stability operations: the integration and alignment of military and civilian roles and missions,' was held on April 5-6, 2007, at Texas A&M University . the majority of the concerns, questions, and ideas discussed during the symposium are articulated and expanded upon in the following chapters" -- Preface. ; "December 2007." ; Includes bibliographical references (p. 575-588) ; Introduction -- I. Issues and challenges in support and stability operations -- 1. Challenges in support and stability operations: why each one is different -- 2. Presidential Decision Directive-56: a glass half full -- 3. A "Peace Corps with guns": can the military be a tool of development? -- Pt. II. Case studies and field experiences -- 4. The perils of planning: lessons from Afghanistan and Iraq -- 5. U.S. provincial reconstruction teams in Afghanistan, 2003-2006: obstacles to interagency cooperation -- 6. The interagency process in reconstruction of post-World II Japan -- 7. An alternative view: Sri Lanka's experience with an enduring insurgency -- Pt. III. Learning, innovation, and new initiatives -- 8. The exquisite problem of victory: measuring success in unconventional operations -- 9. The failure of incrementalism: interagency coordination challenges and responses -- 10. Interagency reform: an idea whose time has come -- 11. Strategic communication: interagency rhetoric and consistent interpretation -- Pt. IV. Leadership, education, training, and development for interagency operations -- 12. Bridging the gap: integrating civilian-military capabilities in security and reconstruction operations -- 13. Training, education, and leader development for the national security interagency -- 14. Leadership education and training for the interagency -- 15. The influence of stability operations on the Army profession and public management -- 16. Counterinsurgency doctrine FM 3-24 and Operation Iraqi Freedom: a bottom-up review -- 17. What is to be done?: aligning and integrating the interagency process in support and stability operations. ; For decades since the formation of the defense establishment under the 1947 National Security Act, all U.S. cabinet departments, national security agencies, and military services involved in providing for the common defense have struggled to overcome differences in policy and strategy formulation, organizational cultures, and even basic terminology. Post-September 11, 2001, international systems, security environments, U.S. military campaigns in Afghanistan and Iraq, and the greater Global War on Terrorism have confronted civilian policymakers and senior military officers with a complex, fluid battlefield which demands kinetic and counterinsurgency capabilities. This monograph addresses the security, stability, transition, and reconstruction missions that place the most pressure on interagency communication and coordination. The results from Kabul to Baghdad reveal that the interagency process is in need of reform and that a more robust effort to integrate and align civilian and military elements is a prerequisite for success. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Provides first-hand observations about the circumstances in which the division of Korea, one of the last direct geopolitical legacies of the Cold War, might be overcome. (Original abstract-amended)

The parallels between the postwar histories of Germany and Korea, as well as certain analogies in the relationship between South and North Korea and between West and East Germany, make it seem desirable to examine whether Korea can learn something-and if so, what-from the example of Germany's unification. The present article, in examining this possibility, suggests that caution is in order, as the analogies that occur to us when we consider the postwar destinies of the two countries, both marked by a bipolar world order, tend to obscure from us a number of deeper structural differences. This is why we should be wary of rash extrapolations from the experiences of Germany. The article first considers the different starting points that existed or still exist for national unification in Germany and in Korea. Next considered is a problem that is very significant in Europe but perhaps in a different way in Asia: that is, the relationship between the national state and democracy. In the light of these considerations, it may be possible to learn something for a future reunification of Korea from Germany's experience of a rapid, if not over-hasty, process of unification. 3 References. T. K. Brown

Truth Commissions and State Building demonstrates that the work of both institutions is interlinked and intrinsic to reform in post-conflict and post-authoritarian settings. Chapters examine truth commissions as transitional justice mechanisms for civic inclusion, identity formation, institutional reform, and nation-(re)building.

Countries emerging from civil war or protracted violence often face the daunting challenge of rebuilding their economy while simultaneously creating the political and social conditions for a stable peace. Drawing on a range of thematic studies and empirical cases, this book examines how post-conflict reconstruction policies can be better sequenced in order to promote sustainable peace and provides evidence that many reforms that are often thought to be imperative may be better considered as long-term objectives, and that the immediate imperative for such societies should be 'people-centred' policies