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This historical essay describes Emperor Franz Joseph's visits to the Czech lands. Both the Monarch's image and the people's attitude to his stays in Bohemia and Moravia during his long reign (1848–1916) were prone to change. Following his coronation the young ruler dissolved the Constituent Assembly and returned Austria to Absolute Rule. His popularity declined sharply even though the Czechs supported the Habsburgs during the 1848/49 revolutionary uprising. He was welcomed in Bohemia after his wedding in 1854 but this was fuelled by the hope that the current harsh rule would grow more lenient. Once constitutional rule was reinstated, Czech politicians attempted to entice Franz Joseph to hold his coronation ceremony in Bohemia. In this they did not succeed. During the final decades of his rule the emperor acquired the benign image of an "Old Monarch" and this despite the fact that Czech attachment to the monarchy had weakened considerably over time. Nevertheless the Czech people sincerely liked their Emperor and his visits were always occasions for national celebration. During these visits the aged Monarch would address old war veterans and young children and these meticulously recorded conversations formed an integral part of his official cult.

Approximately 100 thousand men of Czech origin died during the wartime operations
in the years 1914 to 1918. The majority were aged between 23 and 35. The reproductive losses have
been estimated at another 610 thousand (550 thousand children that were never born due to the
absence of a man in the household and another 60 thousand civilian dead). In 1914 the population
in the Czech territories numbered 10 million 283 thousand, in 1919 this number decreased
to 9 million 921 thousand. The ratio of men to women decreased (in 1920 there were 92.5 men to
every 100 women). This imbalance in age frequency, a result of the low birth rate, had a long term
effect firstly on the number of marriages, then on the birth rate and eventually on the mortality
rate. These long term effects were evidently still present at the close of the 20th Century.

The aspects regarding the territorial delimitation of Cahul County are briefly examined. A new territorial circumscription was introduced in Romania, under the Administrative Law from 1938 – the land that included some counties. The Cahul County was a part of Lower Danube Land. There are analyzed the ways of the territorial delimitation accomplishment of Cahul County as the component part of the Lower Danube Land. The two archival documents which are relevant for the studied topic are presented in Appendix.

In the context of internationalisation the national issues regarding the restitution of nationalised immovable goods in different stages of history, the subject at hand, represents a pioneering analysis of a complex national reality. Recent practice of Romanian courts has revealed a delicate problem that is apparently the object of debate and resolve of the national and international academic environment. Through the analysis the author tackles the problem of discrimination that is committed by the national law that regulates the matter of restitution of goods that were abusively taken over by the state, from the point of view of the theoretician, as well as the practitioner, pointing out the necessity of direct cooperation with the European courts. The negative discrimination, resulting from the art. 36 of 18/1991 law, can be analysed as an objective and rational justification that would allow the direct practice of the European convention of human rights concerning the litigations about "Land Act" (Law no. 18/1991)

The Czech Republic is comprised of different regions at the sub- national level. These are the historical lands of Bohemia, Moravia, & (part of) Silesia, small ethnographic regions, & administrative units. Their objective hierarchy derives from their former historical role, from their administrative function today, & their regional importance. In this article the authors attempt to describe the subjective hierarchy of these regions in the minds of their inhabitants, drawing on a survey of 1203 respondents from throughout the Czech Republic conducted in 2003 by the Centre for Public Opinion Research. The historical lands of Bohemia & Moravia are two regions whose existence Czechs recognize without question, while Silesia is in a weaker position & garners only two- thirds of the level of recognition accorded the other two historical lands. The cultural or ethnographic regions & the administrative units are on an approximately equal level, which is distinctively lower than that of the three Czech historical lands. More of these small regions are located in Moravia than in Bohemia or Silesia. The best known Czech regions are: Wallachia, Moravian Slovakia, Hana (all of which are in Moravia) & the Region of Khods (Bohemia). The best known region that is neither ethnographical nor one of the administrative units is the former industrial region of Ostrava.

The aim of this article is to explain educational reproduction in the Czech Lands between 1906 and 2003 from the perspective of educational mobility. Mobility trends in the intergenerational transmission of educational status identified in an analysis are presented in the context of findings on odds ratios in education and in a historical context. The analysis is based on observations of the intergenerational transmission of educational status, i.e. educational mobility, in two educational transitions between three educational levels (lower secondary, upper secondary, and higher education). Mobility tables and their log-linear analysis are used to help explain what mobility processes shape the educational inequalities that have proved stable over the long term and also odds ratios between the main levels of education. The article helps fill in the gap in knowledge about the long-term development of the educational structure in the historical Czech Lands and Czechoslovakia and provides information about typical mobility trajectories and varying mobility patterns in periods before 1948, between 1948 and 1989, and after 1989. An understanding of these structural contexts helps clarify what occurred in the past and what is occurring now in the area of unequal access to education and to explain one of the main findings from the analysis – that in Czech society the transmission of a family's educational status from one generation to the next continuously follows the same patterns.

The two documents which are the subject of the present study, made to share property in the event of divorce, help to form an image on various aspects of daily life, poorly known from other sources: household size, land property, earnings in marriage furniture, tools, animals, prices, food, secular and religious involvement of the private life etc. In addition to legal information, both inventories, which stood at the base of documents on which the property was to be divided, reveal another perspective on social history of Arad in the late eighteenth century.

This study deals with application of the Norbert Elias's theory of sociogenesis to the case of early Czech state formation. For this purpose we focus on the mechanisms of emergence and establishing of the state monopoly, as well as on the aspects of decentralization and privatization of state power during reign of first Premyslid dukes - from 860 to 1230 AD. In the second place, the article tries to compare the process of sociogenesis in the Western Europe with the dynamics of state formation that was typical for the contemporary Czech lands. In this context we claim that Elias made several mistakes, because he supposed that features and mechanisms of state formation were fairly unitary everywhere Europe. We try to challenge this notion show that the history of state making in the Central European region has many autonomous and unique aspects that differentiate it from social dynamics in other parts of the continent. From this critical pointof view, the article attempts a reformulation of Elias's theory for the Central European area.

The study presents statistics showing that half of the managers who came in leading positions have no education in the field, no readings management. The need for training and consultancy is very high, but people will not allocate money for their education.

The study relies on a complex research project, financed by the European Union, which aimed at measuring, first of all, the training and managerial consultancy needs of entrepreneurs and of those who wish to start a business in the rural environment in the North-Eastern, Central and South-Eastern areas of Romania (18 counties). In order to understand these training and consultancy needs, the research also investigated the issue of values. By identifying the specificity of rural entrepreneurial culture, we can understand the current situation in the entrepreneurial environment of Romanian villages and draw up strategies for its development. The research shows that there is a great deal of interest to start a business among young persons, but the existent managerial culture is extremely poor.

This article considers the position of sociology in a nonsociological context, that is, the Czech Agricultural U in Prague. The substance of the paper is a consideration of the role of sociology in relation to rural issues, including their practical dimension as relates to rural development. The background of the paper is constituted by both discussions in the Czech lands & abroad, which address the role & position of sociology & its relation to the lay public, & the question of how (& also if) it is possible to cope with the skepticism of lay people (a skepticism that the authors have experienced in the exercise of their professional activities) in relation to the findings & information provided by sociology. The authors suggest that the possibility exists of presenting non-trivial findings & information for lay people. Sociologists have at their disposal many instruments for mapping the actions & ideas of specific people when investigating such issues. If the results of sociological research are embedded within specific practical measures addressing rural issues, then the chance for social acceptance increases & the project is more likely to be sustainable. In such a situation, sociology is both related to concrete practices & circumstances (the doubts of lay persons about its meaninglessness disappear), yet it also retains its academic discourse, as a part of sociology, as a science. As a reflection of the latter, the article demonstrates the interconnections between general sociology & rural sociology, because of the centrality of the countryside & agriculture in contemporary society.