As a sovereign and independent state, the Republic of Moldova has been going, for more than two decades, through a long process of asserting the country globally, certifying the status of the Republic of Moldova as a member of the international community and subject to international law. An important role in this sense is also the membership of our state in various regional and international organizations, and of increased interest are those specialized in combating all forms of organized crime. Taking into account its geographical position, but also the socio-human factor, we can not neglect the strategic role played for this purpose by the organizations from the Community of Independent States, those from the Black Sea Basin, or the Western Balkans. Thus, this article aims to review the most important regional and international organizations fighting cross-border organized crime of which our country is a member, with the presentation of the activity and role of the Republic of Moldova within them
The treaties and the regulations of the Council of Europe offered greater protection to minors against the attacks on their lives and health. However, the effective implementation of this is carried out through national criminal laws. In the European countries, the criminal laws set certain infringements against the minor's life and health including aggravating offenses, which are committed by a certain person against minors. Some of them are similar, others, though, differ from one state to another, which consequently requires their unification to ensure a minimum of protection.
La crise financière et économique a recentré l'attention sur l'importance primordiale d'une forte chaîne de valeur de transformation industrielle, compétitive et diversifiée et de créer des emplois pour les économies du monde y inclut pour la RM. Il est essentiel d'accroître la productivité dans le secteur manufacturier et les services connexes, pour soutenir la reprise et le développement de l'emploi, pour la durabilité de l'économie et aider à créer un modèle viable de développement économique.
On April 25, 2013, UN's Security Council established a 12,600-strong peacekeeping force for Mali. The United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission (MINUSMA) is to take over and continue the security and stabilization task that the French-led military operation in cooperation with UN's African-led International Support Mission to Mali, AFISMA, initiated in January 2013. The aim of this report is to present a number of long- and short-term perspectives for the recently initiated peace- and state-building process in Mali by focusing on the historical, structural and political causes of the crisis in Mali. Understanding these causes and handling their derived conflict potentials provide a minimum of prerequisites for establishing long-term peace. The report is structured according to four intertwined conflict potentials: Mali's fragile state, the status and background of the Tuareg rebellion, the organized crime and the regional cooperation. .
This article deals with the emergence of a new type of crime prevention in interwar Romania. Inspired by the Italian school of criminal law and by the Italian Criminal Code "Rocco" (1930), the Romanian Criminal Code "King Carol II" (1936) formulates a new type of criminal sanctions, explicitly designed to address and combat the social dangerousness. Regarded as a major challenge to the classic criminal system based on free will and guilt, the "security measures" were formalizing new types of offenders defined as such not by their criminal acts but by their criminal potential, redefining the scope and the goal of the criminal prevention. Major debates in the epoch reveal the possible threats this new type of criminal sanctions and of a criminal policy orientated towards risk prevention, seen as closely connected with authoritarian tendencies, carried for individual freedom and the rule of law. The legal issues discussed in the epoch prove significant for the current debates regarding the negative consequences the preventive War on Terror have for individual freedom and the rule of law.
Constituţiunea Romaniei reintegrată, sau schiţă pentru o constituţiune în Romania (La Constitution de la Roumanie réintégrée, ou esquisse pour une constitution en Roumanie) est un petit volume publié en 1857 à Bruxelles par Emanoil Chinezu, juriste et homme politique libéral radical, participant à la révolution de 1848, ensuite plusieurs fois député et élu local. Le livre, pratiquement inconnu par l'historiographie du droit et de la modernisation roumaine, fait l'objet d'une édition critique. Le texte, imprimé en alphabète de transition (quelques lettres latines insérées de manière non systématique et souvent aléatoire parmi les graphèmes cyrilliques), a été transcrit selon la méthode phonétique interprétative en conformité avec les règles orthographiques actuelles de la langue roumaine.
Stimate doamne şi stimaţi domni, În Germania există anumite moduri de comportament şi reguli pentru chiriaşi, pe care aceştia trebuie să le respecte. Acest ghid conţine indicaţii şi explicaţii menite să vă faciliteze crearea unei priviri de ansamblu. Dacă sunteţi în căutare de ajutor şi sprijin pe această temă, la ultima pagină a acestui ghid puteţi găsi o listă în care sunt menţionate adresele persoanelor de contact, respectiv ale centrelor de consiliere
Actuellement nombreuses compagnies provenants des pays développés réexaminent la géographie de l'«outsourcing» (externalisation). La focalisation durable sur la productivité, l'efficience opérationnelle et la posibilité d'une future extension de l'emplacement, l'emportent sur la diminution de coûts à court terme. L'arrivée des grandes STN (sociétés transnationales) dans les pays de l'Europe Centrale et de l'Est marque le début d'une tendance ample, qui tient non seulement des opportunités de faire économie à long terme, mais aussi d'une possible perspective pour ces pays de devenir leaders dans l'attirance des investissements.
Scopul acestui studiu este de a identifica argumentele realismului stiintific, formulate de catre Alexander Wendt, pe baza carora statul se defineste ca persoana sau ca actor in sistemul de state. Voi vorbi despre aceste argumente si motivele pentru care acestea pot explica comportamentul statelorca actori rationali. In prima parte mi-am propus sa identific componentele teoretice din cadrul realismului stiintific, conform carora statele sunt autoorganizate, seamana cu organismele biologice, adica au o structura interna cu elemente constituente functionale care actioneaza in sens colectiv in virtutea reproducerii si supravietuirii sistemului, iar spre exterior acestea isi stabilesc limite/granite pentru a se defini ca o identitate. Pe baza componentelor biologice ale sistemului voi identifica si componenta cognitiva a unui stat, ceea ce il defineste ca o persoana psihologica cu interese, constiinta si memorie, astfel elementele constituente actioneaza in sensul supravietuirii identitatii colective. Fiind date functiile cognitive ale statului acesta isi va putea proiecta si strategii de relationare cu ceilalti actori statali. In a doua sectiune a lucrarii voi vorbi despre paradigma realismului ofensiv, din cadrul relatiilor internationale. Astfel pe baza structurii teoretice din realismul stiintific voi extrage conceptele cheie si le voi operationaliza, sau cel putin le voi asocia cu asumptiile mai aplicate din realismul ofensiv formulate de John J. Mearsheimer care susþine ca principalul factor motivant pentru state in sistemul international il reprezinta dorinta de putere astfel voi testa asumptia principala a lucrarii conform careia statele sunt persoane supradimensionate.
Dezbaterile publice privind administraţia publică sunt de neconceput fără analiza problemelor ce vizează autoadministrarea colectivităţilor locale. Carta Europeană a Autonomiei Locale tratează colectivităţile locale ca fundamente ale democraţiilor contemporane, recunoscându-le dreptul şi capacitatea de a rezolva o parte considerabilă din problemele cu caracter local sub propria responsabilitate şi în interesul populaţiei locale. Pentru exercitarea acestui drept, fiecare stat elaborează cadrul normativ, care, sub influenţa mediului politic, social şi economic, este supus unor permanente modificări, operate pentru a da mai multă forţă sistemului de autoadministrare. Prezenta lucrare îşi propune să faciliteze cunoaşterea, înţelegerea şi însuşirea problematicii autoadministrării colectivităţilor locale. Pe planul informaţiei sunt prezentate rezultatele cercetărilor analitice, obţinute fie în cadrul unor eforturi de cercetare, fie în programe de consultanţă. Rolul acestora este de a sugera pe de o parte importanţa cunoaşterii potenţialului colectivităţilor locale, constrângerilor şi resurselor în planificarea unor măsuri asumate formal şi de o manieră sistematică. Pe de altă parte oferă soluţii practice şi sugestii privind aplicarea unor acte normative şi soluţionarea diverselor probleme generate de practicile cotidiene. Înserarea în conţinutul lucrării a problemelor de natură juridică şi teoretică urmăreşte nu doar înzestrarea cititorului cu informaţii relevante şi actuale. Acestea apar mai degrabă ca un reper pentru contemplare, pentru clarificare şi sistematizare şi mai ales pentru a le situa corect în raport cu misiunea activităţilor circumscrise administrării. Lucrarea va fi utilă celor implicaţi în procesul decizional local, funcţionarilor publici din instituţiile administraţiei publice locale, angajaţilor întreprinderilor municipale, studenţilor şi masteranzilor, tuturor celor interesaţi de problemele autoadministrării locale.
11. september-angrepene og USAs svar utfordret folkerettens regler. Basert på et argument om selvforsvar, lanserte Bush-administrasjonen en global krig mot terrorisme, med fangeleirer, bruk av tortur og utenomrettslige henrettelser. Essayet gir en oversikt over tre folkerettslige hovedproblemstillinger som oppsto i årene etter 2001. Folkerettens regimer om samarbeid for å motarbeide terror var for svake, FN-pakten gav lite klare regler om staters selvforsvarsrett mot ikke-statlige aktører på fremmed jord, og angrepene utfordret folkerettens todeling mellom krig og rettshåndhevelse (humanitærrett og menneskerettigheter). Essayet gjør opp status for hvordan folkeretten utviklet seg på disse områdene etter 2001, og tar stilling til om dette gir grunnlag for å betegne 11. september som et vannskille i folkeretten.
Abstract in English:International Law and 9/11 – a Watershed?The 9/11 attacks and the US global response was a challenge to international law. Based on an argument of self-defense, the Bush-administration launched a global war on terror, established prison-camps, opened up for torture and engaged in targeted killings. The essay provides an overview of the main challenges that arose after 9/11 from the perspective of international law. The international regime for prevention of terrorism was weak, it was unclear to what extent the UN Charter provided states with an independent right to self-defense against non-state actors in foreign states, and the attacks challenged the dichotomy between war and crime (humanitarian law and human rights). The essay analyses how these areas of international law have evolved after 2001 and concludes by assessing whether 9/11 can be deemed a watershed in the development of international law.
Folkemordet i Srebrenica i juli 1995 opprørte en hel verden. Siden 1992, da krigen brøt ut, hadde Bosnia-Hercegovina vært under internasjonalt oppsyn. Artikkelen drøfter hvordan folkemord og grove krigsforbrytelser kunne foregå i årevis uten å bli stanset. Fokus er på den rolle de internasjonale faktorene spilte – FN, EU, Nato og stormaktene. Hvorfor var det så stor motstand mot bruk av makt? Delvis kan det ha vært på grunn av manglende forståelse av hva som skjedde, en oppfatning av at Balkan var preget av århundregammelt hat. Noen vestlige land hadde sine egne interesser i området. For vestlige politikere var det enkleste ikke å gjøre noe. FN sendte fredsbevarende styrker til et land i krig, noe som var katastrofalt for styrkene selv og for FNs prestisje. De tiltakene som ble satt i verk, som Sikkerhetsrådets resolusjoner, økonomiske sanksjoner, våpenembargo, FN-sikrede områder og flyforbud, førte ikke til at krigshandlingene avtok. Også mange norske politikere var sterkt imot militær inngripen. Den serbiske hæren var for sterk, en militær løsning var ikke mulig. Dette viste seg å være feil. Folkemordet i Srebrenica fikk FN og Nato til å gå inn for maktbruk i september 1995. En begrenset militær aksjon var nok til å få slutt på krigen, og reelle fredsforhandlinger kunne begynne.
Abstract in English: Srebrenica 25 Years After – How Could the Genocide Happen?
The genocide in Srebrenica in July 1995 shocked the world. Since 1992, when the war broke out, Bosnia and Herzegovina had been supervised by the international community. The article discusses why genocide and crimes against humanity could happen without being stopped. Focus is on the role of the relevant international participants, the UN, the EU, NATO and the great powers. Why was there a strong opposition against use of force? It was partly due to weak understanding of what was going on, a concept of the Balkans as a region of inherent centuries-old hatred. Some Western states had their own interests in the region. For Western politicians the easiest way was to do nothing. The UN sent peacekeepers to a country at war, which turned out to be a catastrophe for the peacekeepers and for the prestige of the UN. Measures like Security Council resolutions, economic sanctions, arms embargo, safe havens and no-fly zones did not work. Many Norwegian politicians were strongly opposed to military intervention. The Serbian army was too strong, a military solution was not possible. This turned out to be wrong. The genocide in Srebrenica triggered the use of force by the UN and NATO in September 1995. A limited military action was enough to end the war, after which real peace talks could start.
In: Mandrup , T 2009 , ' South Africa and the SADC Stand-by Force ' , Scientia Militaria : South African Journal of Military Studies , bind 37 , nr. 2 , s. 1-24 .
The regional powerhouse, South Africa, has since the introduction of the nonracial democratic dispensation in 1994, played a central and important role in the formation of both the regional and continental security architecture. With the establishment of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) in 1992, one of the central areas of collaboration for the community was envisioned to be security, understood within a broadened human security framework. Security was therefore from the outset one of the cornerstones of integration in the SADC. It was believed that the formation of a security community would help dismantle the enmities that had plagued regional relations during the apartheid era. For some parties, institutionalisation of relations pointed to a means of stabilising and disseminating a particular order. Such institutions depict the power relations prevailing at the time of their establishment, which, however, can change over time (Cox 1981:136). The integration ambition surrounding security correlated with the ambitions of South Africa, the new democratic government in the regional powerhouse. South Africa and its overall foreign policy ambitions desired the pursuit of peace, democracy and stability for economic growth and development in the region and within South Africa itself. Since South Africa's acceptance into the SADC in 1994, the organisation has attempted to set up the required institutional framework to enable co-operation on security, both in terms of narrow military co-operation and regarding designated 2 softer security issues, such as migration and cross-border crime. The military cooperation moved forward in the early years after 1994 with the 1996 decision of creating an Organ for Politics, Defence and Security Co-operation (OPDSC)1 and later the signing of the Mutual Defence Pact (MDP) in 2003, and eventually the creation of the Strategic Indicative Plan for the Organ (SIPO) in 2004, which operationalised the OPDSC (SADC 2004). However, the actual military cooperation, e.g. military exercises, came close to a standstill. Several developments obstructed military co-operation of which the evolving crisis in Zimbabwe and the subsequent withdrawal of donor support to, for instance, the Regional Peacekeeping Training Centre (RPTC) in Harare are but two examples. The RPTC constituted the backbone of the co-operation, but political differences between member states illustrated during the Zimbabwean crisis and following the mandate of the interventions in especially the DR Congo and partly Lesotho in 1998 all contributed to regional tensions.2 Despite the crisis, SADC members, and in particular South Africa, declared that the organisation would be able to form a regional stand-by brigade for the use of the African Union (AU) as part of its wider security architecture. On 17 August 2007, the SADC declared its stand-by-force operational at a large parade in Lusaka, Zambia and at the same occasion signed a memorandum of understanding on the SADCBRIG (SADC 2007). According to the timeline provided by the AU, the brigade should be fully operational by June 2010. Former South African deputy foreign minister Aziz Pahad stated after the launch that this was an important step, but that now there was much to be done securing joint levels and types of training, interoperability, etc. (Pahad 2007). The question that continues to linger is to what extent this brigade is operational and for what purpose. Is this new regional military formation in its present form just a paper tiger, or is it "real progress" and an example of "successful" regional cooperation and integration? This article scrutinises the security co-operation and integration in SADC and asks whether an apparent lack of common values between SADC member states are blocking the security integration process, the creation of a security community, and thereby the establishment of an effective stand-by brigade, the so-called SADCBRIG. The article furthermore attempts to scrutinise the role played by South Africa in establishing the SADCBRIG.
