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This article examines Cicero's concept of the artes liberales within his larger vision for education. Starting with the codification of a curriculum in the work of Martianus Capella, it explores the reception of Cicero's works in the early development of the canon before turning back to the contexts of Cicero's original thinking on the subjects. In particular, it illustrates how Cicero sought to broaden the curriculum and make the artes relevant for life in first-century BC Rome, combining traditional Greek learning with innovative topics on modern history and political science. In so doing I suggest some of the ways in which Cicero's arguments on the value of a broad education still echo in our ideas of the Liberal Arts today before ending with some reflections on the political context in which they were produced. ; Cet article examine le concept des artes liberales de Cicéron dans le cadre de sa vision plus large de l'éducation. En commençant par la codification d'un programme d'études dans l'œuvre de Martianus Capella, il explore la réception des œuvres de Cicéron dans les premiers temps du développement du canon avant de revenir aux contextes de sa pensée originale sur ces sujets. En particulier, il illustre la manière dont Cicéron a cherché à élargir le programme et à rendre les artes pertinents pour la vie dans la Rome du Ier siècle avant J.-C., en combinant l'apprentissage traditionnel du grec avec des sujets innovants sur l'histoire moderne et les sciences politiques. Ce faisant, je suggère certaines façons dont les arguments de Cicéron sur la valeur d'une éducation large font encore écho dans nos idées sur les arts libéraux aujourd'hui, avant de terminer par quelques réflexions sur le contexte politique dans lequel ces artes ont été produits. ; Il presente articolo esamina il concetto ciceroniano di artes liberales nel più ampio contesto del suo progetto educativo. Prendendo le mosse dalla codificazione di un vero e proprio curriculum nell'opera di Marziano Capella, il lavoro indaga la ricezione delle opere di Cicerone nel primo sviluppo del canone, per poi tornare ai contesti originali del pensiero ciceroniano sulle discipline. In particolare, il lavoro illustra in che modo Cicerone abbia cercato di ampliare il curriculum e di rendere le artes rilevanti per la vita quotidiana nella Roma del I sec. a.C., intrecciando il tradizionale apprendimento del greco con argomenti innovativi relativi alla storia e alla politica contemporanee. Seguendo questa traccia, l'autrice avanza alcune ipotesi sui modi in cui gli argomenti di Cicerone a favore di un programma educativo ampio possano essere ravvisati nell'idea di arti liberali che abbiamo ancora oggi, concludendo con qualche riflessione sul contesto politico da cui tali artes emersero.

The recent Supreme Court decision in Saenz v. Roe struck down a California welfare law that imposed residency requirements on recent arrivals to the state. In vindicating the mobility rights of migrants, the Court breathed new life into the Fourteenth Amendment's Privileges or Immunities Clause. This Article suggests that, however misconceived the decision might appear from the perspective of welfare law, it usefully serves to promote a common American identity on which nationalist sentiments crucially depend. The core nationalist symbol for Americans is the idea of constitutionally-protected liberties that I call liberal nationalism A liberal nationalist understanding of the Privileges or Immunities Clause has four implications for constitutional interpretation. First, it suggests that the mobility rights the Saenz court upheld deserve the high degree of protection they received in that case. Second, the argument from nationalism offers an explanation for cases where the Supreme Court has been faulted for failing to protect national symbols such as the flag. More than the flag, constitutional liberties are a national symbol for Americans, and in upholding the right to deface the flag on free speech grounds, the Court has merely preferred one patriotic symbol to another. Third, a nationalist perspective suggests that basic liberties should enjoy constitutional protection at the national level and should not be entirely returned to the states. But for the argument from nationalism, a strong case could be made for a very thin set of national constitutional liberties, or even for state opt-out rights. Finally, nationalist concerns suggest a need for caution before removing contentious issues from political deliberation by turning them into constitutional rights. In politics, there are only winners and losers, and there is no great shame in being a loser; but in American constitutional law the losers can be faulted for a want of loyalty to core American values, and this must weaken American nationalism.

This article defines global liberal education, summarizes global and regional trends, and assesses current key issues including politicization and pandemic impact. It is argued that the waning US influence in global geopolitics has resulted in the acceleration of indigenous efforts as well as innovative approaches to integrating the global and the local.

Includes index. ; "Copies of this pamphlet can be had from Alexander Smith, secretary, Ontario Liberal Association, Toronto." ; Cover title. ; Mode of access: Internet.

ABSTRACT: The question of whether Wittgenstein was a liberal philosopher has received less attention than the question of whether he was a conservative philosopher but, as Robert Greenleaf Brice has recently argued, there are hints of liberalism in some of his remarks, and some philosophers, like Richard Eldridge, have argued that a kind of liberalism follows from Wittgenstein's later philosophy. Richard Rorty has also drawn liberal conclusions from a philosophical viewpoint which draws on Wittgenstein's work and Alice Crary has suggested that the lessons learned from her own interpretation of Wittgenstein are "reflected in forms of social life that embody the ideals of liberal democracy". Here I will argue both that Wittgenstein was not a liberal and that his philosophy does not imply a liberal viewpoint.

Tables. ; Original issued in series: Political pointers ; no. 3. ; "Issued June 1900." ; "Copies of this pamphlet may be had from Alexander Smith, secretary, Ontario Liberal Association, 34 Victoria Street, Toronto." ; Electronic reproduction. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; 44

Tables. ; Duplicate of CIHM no. 09052. ; Cover title. ; "Copies of this Pamphlet can be had from Alexander Smith, Secretary Ontario Liberal Association, Toronto." ; Includes index. ; Electronic reproduction. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; 44

Tables. ; Duplicate of CIHM microfiche no. 11440. ; Cover title. ; "Copies of this pamphlet can be had from Alexander Smith, Secretary Ontario Liberal Association, Toronto." ; Includes index. ; Electronic reproduction. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; 44

In recent years, neoliberalism has become an academic catchphrase. Yet, in contrast to other prominent social science concepts such as democracy, the meaning and proper usage of neoliberalism curiously have elicited little scholarly debate. Based on a content analysis of 148 journal articles published from 1990 to 2004, we document three potentially problematic aspects of neoliberalism's use: the term is often undefined; it is employed unevenly across ideological divides; and it is used to characterize an excessively broad variety of phenomena. To explain these characteristics, we trace the genesis and evolution of the term neoliberalism throughout several decades of political economy debates. We show that neoliberalism has undergone a striking transformation, from a positive label coined by the German Freiberg School to denote a moderate renovation of classical liberalism, to a normatively negative term associated with radical economic reforms in Pinochet's Chile. We then present an extension of W. B. Gallie's framework for analyzing essentially contested concepts to explain why the meaning of neoliberalism is so rarely debated, in contrast to other normatively and politically charged social science terms. We conclude by proposing several ways that the term can regain substantive meaning as a "new liberalism" and be transformed into a more useful analytic tool.

UID/FIL/00701/2013 ; The question of whether Wittgenstein was a liberal philosopher has received less attention than the question of whether he was a conservative philosopher but, as Robert Greenleaf Brice has recently argued, there are hints of liberalism in some of his remarks, and some philosophers, like Richard Eldridge, have argued that a kind of liberalism follows from Wittgenstein's later philosophy. Richard Rorty has also drawn liberal conclusions from a philosophical viewpoint which draws on Wittgenstein's work and Alice Crary has suggested that the lessons learned from her own interpretation of Wittgenstein are "reflected in forms of social life that embody the ideals of liberal democracy". Here I will argue both that Wittgenstein was not a liberal and that his philosophy does not imply a liberal viewpoint. The authors discussed here do not demonstrate that any broad ideological conclusions follow from Wittgenstein's philosophical remarks. ; publishersversion ; published

The understanding of freedom of thought in Islam which is the soul / spirit of the liberal Islamic movement that grows in the context of Islamic thinking in Indonesia originates from Islamic tradition; although in its development Western modernization has also colored liberal Islamic discourse. Therefore, liberal ideas need not always be understood in the Western context and by using Western barometers. On the other hand, liberal Islam can be understood in the sense of those who are opposed to revivalism that often discusses orthodox themes that are considered established, such as Islamic teachings on politics, democracy, women's rights, religious pluralism, freedom of thought and ideas about progress. By always re-enacting these themes, liberal Islamic groups believe that Islam will be able to play an important role in the contemporary world. Furthermore, the development of liberal Islam in Indonesia cannot be separated from the context of the development of the understanding of the liberalization of Islamic thought in the Islamic world. Included in this case is the treatment that often discredits liberal Islamic groups that occur both in the Muslim world and in Indonesia.

Cover title. ; Includes index. ; Electronic reproduction. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; 44

Tables. ; Cover title. ; Caption title: Liberal platform adopted by the National Liberal Convention, Ottawa, June 1893. ; Electronic reproduction. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; 44

Date from text. ; Cover title. ; "Copies of this Pamphlet may be had . Ontario Liberal Associaiton ." ; Electronic reproduction. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; 44

The 1990s saw a systemic shift from the liberal post–World War II international order of liberal multilateralism (LIO I) to a post–Cold War international order of postnational liberalism (LIO II). LIO II has not been only rule-based but has openly pursued a liberal social purpose with a significant amount of authority beyond the nation-state. While postnational liberal institutions helped increase overall well-being globally, they were criticized for using double standards and institutionalizing state inequality. We argue that these institutional features of the postnational LIO II led to legitimation problems, which explain both the current wave of contestations and the strategies chosen by different contestants. We develop our argument first by mapping the growing liberal intrusiveness of international institutions. Second, we demonstrate the increased level and variety of contestations in international security and international refugee law. We show that increased liberal intrusiveness has led to a variety of contestation strategies, the choice of which is affected by the preference of a contestant regarding postnational liberalism and its power within the contested institution.