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Our situation is a nightmare that doesn't end because we can't even return the house. We wanted to die of shame the day we had to take out our things under the threat of legal seizure. It was humiliating, we felt like thieves. But I know it's not ourfault. It's the fault of an unfair system. The government ought to admit it, to say frankly that it doesn't want the middle class to have houses [HOY, October 28, 1985, No. 432J

Der chilenische Wohnungs- und Grundstücksmarkt wurde unter Pinochet dem freien Spiel der Kräfte überlassen, was zu verschärfter Segregation der städtischen Bevölkerung und 1984/85 zu Massendemonstrationen führte. Die Regierung wurde zu Konzessionen gezwungen. Der Autor meint, daß die im Kampf gegen die Wohnungsnot entstandenen Basisorganisationen eine eigenständige und wichtige Rolle in der zukünftigen politischen Entwicklung Chiles spielen werden

This study documents a crucial dimension of the resistance of Nigerian civil society to a repressive and monumentally corrupt military state in the late 1980s and 1990s in Nigeria. Employing a neo-Gramscian theoretical framework, the study relates how a section of the media defied censorship laws, outright bans, incarceration and the assassination of opposition figures, to prosecute the struggle for democracy. It captures the tensions and contradictions between a pliant section of the media, which sought to legitimise the state and a critical section of the same media, which in alliance with radical civil society, invented rebellious outlets to carry on the struggle against dictatorship.The study seeks to make fresh departures by documenting not only the role of the national media in the throes of democratic struggle, but that of the international media whose role was influential in the years studied.Finally the report offers empirical proof of the mechanisms by which a vibrant civil society can curb the ravages of a predatory state in an African country. ; CONTENTS -- CHAPTER 1: Hegemonic Contest - Repressive State Versus Resurgent Media -- I. Introduction -- II. The Context - Antecedants -- III. Hegemony -- Theory IV. Hegemony and the Media - Applying the Theory -- CHAPTER 2: The Economic and Technological Tapestry - The Global Backdrop -- I. Nigerian Media - Economics, Technology and Ownership. The Context -- II. Harsh Economics and Survival Strategies -- III. Conclusion - Economics, Technology and Hegemony -- CHAPTER 3: Repression and Resistance 1989-93 -- I. Introduction -- II. Toughening Cadences and the Context of Repression -- III. Calendar of Repressive Activities -- IV. Coverage of the Annulment Controversy Crisis -- V. Conclusion -- CHAPTER 4: Censorship and Intolerance - The Media in the Abacha Years -- I. Introduction -- II. Harsh Cadences, Persecution and Resistance -- III. A Calendar of Repression -- IV. Editorial Postures - The June 1994 Crisis -- V. Conclusion -- CHAPTER 5: Driven Underground - The Guerrilla Media Phenomenon -- I. Introduction -- II. Profile and Perceptions -- III. Editorial Postures - The Election Annulment Controversy -- IV. The Self-Succession Controversy - Antecedents -- V. Linkages to Civil Society and Production Strategy -- VI. Conclusion - Retrospect and Prospect -- CHAPTER 6: Protest Vernacular - Neo-Traditional Media Versus the Military State. I. Introduction -- II. Historical and Sociological Woof -- III. Media Versus Military State -- IV. Conclusion - Orature and the Discourse Map -- CHAPTER 7: The Global Context - The International Media and the Crisis of Democratisation -- I. Introduction - The Issues -- II. Carrot and Stick Approach to Global Media -- III. Editorial Postures -- IV. The Media and Globalisation -- Concluding Remarks - Democratisation and Resurgent Media

The internationalist and dependent model of development that emerged in Brazil under military tutelage after 1964 was not without its opponents, even within the Brazilian officer corps itself. This paper examines the character of the ideological opposition of several prominent authoritarian nationalist officers during the dictatorship

Includes discussion of the military government's policies in state finance, industry, agriculture, and labor.

The military coup of 1976 in Argentina closed a counterrevolutionary cycle in the Southern Cone of Latin America that began with the military intervention in Brazil in 1964. The characterization of the military regimes that emerged was a vital political task and not just a question of terminology. The theories of "dependent fascism" and the "bureaucratic-authoritarian state" have certain merit, but a more correct term is that of "modern military dictatorship". The case of Argentina since 1976 is considered in terms of these theories in an analysis which shows the ultimate failure of military monetarism and leads to demilitarization

Argentina is the anchor of the continent, and more specifically of the Inter-American system. This country is necessarily important for any one who studies the strategy of the Free World. Argentina is the battlefront of the hemisphere [General Gordon Summer, President of the Inter-American Defence Council, October 1977] .

No abstract availableRealidad: Revista de Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades No. 42, 1994: 871-888 ; La percepción más simple y estereotipada de Centroamérica, es la de que en casi todos sus países las dictaduras fueron una realidad vigente hasta hace poco tiempo y de que hoy la democracia ha florecido. La manifestación más evidente de dicho florecimiento radicaría en la sustitución de los gobiernos militares por los gobiernos civiles. Por supuesto, la transición observada en la región es muchísimo más compleja -y no necesariamente con derroteros tan optimistas- que ésta visión corrientemente difundida en algunos medios de difusión periodísticos y círculos políticos. En este trabajo se propone explorar esta complejidad y plantear: 1) que no todas las dictaduras en la región fueron similares; 2) que las causas del surgimiento de las dictaduras militares influyeron en su naturaleza; 3) que en medio de sus rasgos comunes las dictaduras militares tuvieron muchas variantes; 4) que el desmantelamiento de las mismas se hizo a través de diferentes formas; 5) que el resultado de dichas transiciones no necesariamente ha significado la democracia en todos los países de la región.Realidad: Revista de Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades No. 42, 1994: 871-888

Virtually no one in the US raised objections to the 1964 military takeover of the Brazilian civilian government. In the early 1970s, however, the Brazilian regime had become associated with torture & the arbitrary rule of law. By the end of that decade, compliance with human rights standards had developed into a yardstick for measuring US foreign policy initiatives in Latin America. This paper argues that between 1969 & 1974, a small group of dedicated church activists, exiled Brazilians, & academics introduced the issue of human rights in Latin America into the US national body politic. A network of concerned activists fashioned a systematic campaign to educate journalists, government officials, & the public about the abuses taking place under the generals' rule. Their activities helped isolate the military regime & laid the groundwork for a broader solidarity movement with Latin American popular struggles in the late 1970s & 1980s. 120 References. Adapted from the source document.

AbstractVirtually no one in the United States raised objections to the 1964 military takeover of the Brazilian civilian government. In the early 1970s, however, the Brazilian regime had become associated with torture and the arbitrary rule of law. By the end of that decade, compliance with human rights standards had developed into a yardstick for measuring U.S. foreign policy initiatives in Latin America. This paper argues that between 1969 and 1974, a small group of dedicated church activists, exiled Brazilians, and academics introduced the issue of human rights in Latin America into the U.S. national body politic. A network of concerned activists fashioned a systematic campaign to educate journalists, government officials, and the public about the abuses taking place under the generals' rule. Their activities helped isolate the military regime and laid the groundwork for a broader solidarity movement with Latin American popular struggles in the late 1970s and 1980s.