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In: Teorija in praksa, p. 41-56
Abstract. The article explores the significance held by political myths for
legitimacy and politics. To that end, we examine political myth in line with
the contemporary theory of political myth, which understands political
myths as an integral part of all political communities that is not inherent
to just authoritarian and totalitarian regimes. Every political community
has their own stories/narratives that are accepted by most of the population and form the base of the legitimacy of the political order, whether it be a democratic or a non-democratic political order. In the final part of the article, we examine which narratives had such a legitimising power by analysing the political speeches of Franjo Tuđman while he was in office.
Keywords: legitimacy, politics, political myth, political speech analysis,
Tuđman.
In: Socialno delo: časopis za teorijo in prakso, Volume 60, Issue 4, p. 385-388
Magistrska naloga obravnava in analizira odnose med županom kot najvišjim političnim funkcionarjem in direktorjem občinske uprave kot najvišjim javnim uslužbencem. V prvem delu sta predstavljeni zgodovina lokalne samouprave v Sloveniji in Ustava Republike Slovenije, ki je najvišji splošni pravni akt in lokalni samoupravi posveča svoje poglavje. Načela, ki vodijo lokalno samoupravo in so pomembna za uspešno delovanje in razvoj lokalne samouprave, so načelo avtonomije, načelo subsidiarnosti in načelo regionalizacije. Slovenske občine se vedno bolj vključujejo v skupne občinske uprave za opravljanje posameznih nalog, saj so občinske uprave v manjših občinah kadrovsko nedohranjene. Prav tako se občine vključujejo v združenja občin, saj lahko na ta način bolje zagotavljajo svoj skupni interes na področju lokalne samouprave. Občine med seboj sodelujejo tudi na podlagi sporazumov o pobratenju, ki ima pozitivne učinke na lokalno samoupravo in lokalno okolje, saj gre za stik z mednarodnimi partnerji, izmenjavo izkušenj in pridobitev različnih novih znanj. V nadaljevanju naloge so predstavljene ravni lokalne samouprave v sosednjih državah Republiki Hrvaški in Republiki Avstriji. V drugem, raziskovalnem delu naloge je prikazana primerjava lokalnih skupnosti v dveh izbranih evropskih državah. Na podlagi intervjujev je bila izvedena primerjava odnosov med oblastjo v lokalni samoupravi in politiko. V intervjujih so sodelovali župani in direktorji občinskih uprav manjših slovenskih, hrvaških in avstrijskih občin. V nalogi so predstavljena tudi mnenja županov in direktorjev občinskih uprav o njihovih odnosih v občinah. ; This research work discusses and analyses the relationship between the mayor, as the highest political official and the director of municipal administration as senior civil servant. The first section presents the history of local government in Slovenia and the Constitution of the Republic of Slovenia, which is the highest general legal act and the local government has its own chapter in the Constitution. Principles that lead local government and are important for a successful operation and development of local self-government is the principle of autonomy, the principle of subsidiarity and the principle of regionalization. Slovenian municipalities are increasingly involved in Joint Municipal Administration to perform specific tasks, as the municipal administration in small municipalities are understaffed. In addition, the municipalities integrate themselves in the Association of Municipalities to ensure their common interests better in the field of local self-government. Municipalities cooperate with each other based on agreements of town, which has a positive impact on local government and the local environment, because of the contact with international partners, exchange of experience and the acquisition of various new skills. In the following part of the work levels of local government in the neighbouring countries, the Republic of Croatia and the Republic of Austria are presented. The second part of the research work, a comparison of local communities in the two selected European countries, is presented. A comparison was made about relations between the authorities and the local government policy based on interviews. In the interviews, the mayors and directors of municipal administrations of small Slovenian, Croatian and Austrian municipalities participated. The thesis also shows the opinions of mayors and the directors of municipal administrations of their relations in the municipalities.
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Cover -- Brief Contents -- Detailed Contents -- List of Illustrations -- Preface -- About The Authors -- Introduction -- Chapter 1 -- Chapter 2 -- Chapter 3 -- Chapter 4 -- Chapter 5 -- Chapter 6 -- Chapter 7 -- Chapter 8 -- Chapter 9 -- Chapter 10 -- Chapter 11 -- Chapter 12 -- Chapter 13 -- Chapter 14 -- Chapter 15 -- Conclusion -- Bibliography.
In: Teorija in praksa, p. 175-189
Abstract. The article analyses the innovative Marxist conceptualisation of
politics proposed by the Slovenian political scientist Adolf Bibič. The latter
built on the contributions of Heglo-Marxists and Gramsci to political theory.
At the core of his theory, he placed the question of the political power–class exploitation relationship. He distinguished political politics from self-managing politics, and problematised the dominant Western understandings of politics as well as the theories of elitism and pluralism. Moving away from such theories and dogmatic Marxist notions about the withering away of politics, he formulated his project of humanising politics beyond class exploitation and capitalist relations of production. This project assumed a necessary transformation of political practice in terms of the dialectical process of the socialisation of politics and the politicisation of society.
Keywords: Adolf Bibič, politics, political science, class relations, economic
exploitation.
In this essay I attempt to defend Badiou's conception of inaesthetics, drawn from the Handbook of Inaesthetics, from the pertinent criticisms of Rancière. In doing so, it is possible to delimit the intra-philosophical effects (truth effects) of artistic events (this combination being the domain of inaesthetics). Badiou can be defended from all of Rancière's objections, save the objection that inaesthetics asserts a 'propriety of art.' However, in granting this objection, it is possible to open a different question regarding Badiou's work: what is the status of Badiou's comments on art outside of the Handbook of Inaesthetics? Through a reading of Le siècle, I show that, for Badiou, the importance of art extends beyond inaesthetics to other domains of thought. Yet Badiou has yet to answer the question of how art and truth relate outside of the domain of inaesthetics. ; Peer reviewed ; Final article published
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In: Teorija in praksa, p. 284-304
Abstract. Nativism does not only present a concept,
but also an ideological framework as well as a political practice related to identity politics. In the article we
firstly present the theoretical reflection of nativism and
operationalise the most important terms and characteristics of this phenomenon. Later, we apply the concept of nativism to the analysis of conservative populist
and/or nativist political actors in the Central European
region. The analysis shows how nativism, as a relatively
peripheral issue in the first 10–15 years after the democratic transition, became stronger in the next period
characterised by a set of crises after 2008. The analysis
demonstrates how the mainstream parties in Central
Europe adopted the nativist and conservative populist
agenda and implemented it into mainstream politics.
Furthermore, the analysis shows how Central European
nativism correlates with the long-term existence of antiliberal streams that were revitalised after the fall of
Communist regimes. These anti-modern societal groups
were reformulated as the counter-cosmopolitan camp
within the polarisation process that is clearly visible in
the political arena.
Keywords: nativism; national conservatism; identity
politics; Central Europe
In: Teorija in praksa, p. 509-528
The focus of this article is on the rise of populism and Euroscepticism in the context of the crisis of
liberal internationalism and of the EU in particular.
The article considers the view that the weak integration
of Slovenian–EU politics makes the country vulnerable
to this trend. Modern-nationalist, postmodern-cosmopolitan and faux-modern-partially modernised variations of populism are explored. The research draws on
public opinion surveys, party manifestos, focus groups
with party supporters, and interviews with mediators
in elite and popular debates. The dominant modern
economist/functionalist view of the EU is shown to have
fed into different framings in line with the underlying
thick ideologies. On the right, this has been a retro-modern nationalist reaction to the EU's overly progressive
policy and polity, with certain illiberal faux-modern elements like authoritarianism and ethno cultural exclusivism. On the left, it has reinforced the already existing contradictions with (neo)liberalism on the level of
politics, leaving the post-modern post-nationalist framing detached from the EU's polity and policy. The article
offers some proposals for better integrating the EU politics in Slovenia.
Keywords: EU, Euroscepticism, populism, illiberalism,
Slovenia, public opinion, political parties
In: The Anand Patwardhan Collection
This film documents the violence and terror in Punjab, India--a land torn apart by religious fundamentalists and a repressive government. After examining the political turmoil of the late 1970's and the rise of Sikh fundamentalism, the film focuses on the legacy of Bhagat Singh, a young socialist executed by the British in 1931 at the age of 23. Singh has since become a legend. Today the State eulogizes him as a nationalist while Sikh separatists portray him as a Sikh militant. In fact, Singh was neither. Just prior to his death he wrote a book which he entitled "Why I Am An Atheist." In strife-torn Punjab a band of brave Sikhs and Hindus carry Bhagat Singh's secular legacy from village to village. In the religiously charged countryside ideas of internationalism and secularism now carry a price
In: Teorija in praksa, p. 766-783
There are two distant conceptual cousins that analyse the external mobilisation of subnational entities, one being European Studies – Multi-Level Governance and the other International Relations – Paradiplomacy. The article first aims to analyse each concept against the dimensions of the politik to determine the conceptual focus and find more pronounced differences in the policy and politics dimensions. The second aim is to identify the theoretical bedrock underpinning both concepts. This article proposes the analogous theory of Neo-Medievalism, establishing that it has some application here; in this sense, the two concepts may be better at explaining wider territorial reconfiguration underway in Europe. Keywords: Paradiplomacy, Multi-Level Governance, Neo-Medievalism, European Union
In: Teorija in praksa, p. 833-855
Integrity and transparency are crucial elements of modern democratic countries, and trust in politico-administrative institutions must be pursued and maintained at every turn, including when it comes to reporting ceremonial gifts. Despite their (often) problematic connotations, ceremonial gifts are a major element of building strong relationships, from the highest positions in politics and diplomacy to the closest public servants. This article examines data concerning reported gifts in the Republic of Slovenia. Through in-depth statistical analysis, the authors established anomalies in the reporting of ceremonial gifts, in particular flawed descriptions of gifts and problematic assessment of their monetary values, which in most cases is left to the layperson. The authors conclude that a problem clearly exists with implementation of the normative framework because only the technical aspect and less the qualitative side is taken into account while reporting ceremonial gifts. Keywords: ceremonial gifts; reporting; anomalies; transparency; trust; Slovenia
Uradniški svet je samostojen in neodvisen organ, ki je bil ustanovljen z namenom depolitizacije državne uprave. Člani Uradniškega sveta določijo standarde in normative ter merila za izbiro kandidatov, ki se prijavijo za položaj najvišjih javnih uslužbencev. Kadar slišimo pojem politizacije se nam takoj ustvari nekakšna slika kako politika skozi politično kadrovanje poskuša vplivati na delovanje državne uprave in tako uveljaviti svoje interese in cilje. Politizacija ni nov pojav in tudi ne redek, z njo se srečujemo vsak dan in na vseh nivojih upravljanja (lokalnem, nacionalnem in nadnacionalnem). Avtor zaključnega dela raziskuje spolitiziranost Uradniškega sveta, cilj naloge pa je kako in na kakšen način se odraža spolitiziranost Uradniškega sveta in kako le ta vpliva na imenovanje najvišjih javnih uslužbencev v Sloveniji. Na podlagi vprašalnika, intervjujev ter analize dela je avtor prišel do ugotovitev, da lahko zasledimo obrise spolitiziranosti Uradniškega sveta. Bolj kot spolitiziranost Uradniškega sveta pa se kaže kako in na kakšen način poskuša politika imenovati najvišje javne uslužbence. ; Officials Council is body outside the government and was established to depoliticize administration in Slovenia. Members of Officials Council set standards, norms and criteria for the selection of candidates for the position of senior civil servants. When we hear the notion politicization, we immediately think how politics try to influence and enforce their interest threw a form of political recruitment in administration. Politicization is not a new phenomenom and it is not uncommon. We can find politicization at every level of governance (local, national and even transnational). The author researches the politicization of the Officials Council. In particular, he is interested in how and in what way the politicization of the Officials Council is reflected and how it affects the appointment of the highest civil servants in Slovenia. Through in-depth interviews, questionnaire and analysis of the work of Officials Council the author found out that we can see politicization of the Officials Council, but more than that we can see how politics try to affect on appointing the high-ranking civil servants.
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