Search results

Considers historical aspects of the political economy of nationalization at the periphery of the UK, drawing on a discussion of the literature, particularly Michael Banton's (eg, 1991 [see abstract 91X8195]) work on race relations. It is suggested that the process of nationalization has proceeded by means of historically specific articulations of nationalism & racism that have occurred in both securing English domination in the UK & in reproducing British domination in Africa & India. Recent analyses of the situation in Northern Ireland from a race relations perspective have failed to account for the incompleteness of the process of nationalization in the UK. It is argued that a proper analysis of the situation in Northern Ireland would require several steps: a distinction between the biological characteristics of the human body & the cultural articulation of these characteristics, establishment of the everyday processes of such articulation, & interpretation of the meaning of racism in these processes. It is concluded that the problems endemic to Banton's race relations paradigm can be averted by rejecting the use of race as an analytic category & instead analyzing actual claims made to a distinct origin or history by various social groups in contestation. D. M. Smith

Draws upon fieldwork in Oruro, Bolivia, 1969-1971, & a 1985 return to various mining centers, to examine miner protests in highland Bolivia. The focus is on how miners combine primordial beliefs, customs, & rituals with 20th-century revolutionary or reactionary politics. Miners were instrumental in the populist revolution of 1952 that resulted in nationalization of the mines; however, miners have resisted all attempts to change their beliefs in pagan spirits, Christian saints/devils, & Marxist or developmental ideologies. It is argued that combining primordial mythic forces with modern socialist principles allows miners to participate in contemporary struggles while remaining connected to their cultural roots. Rituals related to preindustrial agricultural cycles are described, noting that ritually charged days became identified with commemorations of political events, & meanings associated with many rituals became linked to class solidarity. The political significance of dances/ceremonies involved in the Carnival & Supay festivities are examined, contending that ritual observances strengthen the power of preconquest beliefs & enhance feelings of collective identity, thereby increasing the ability to resist exploitation. 8 References. J. Lindroth

Draws upon fieldwork in Oruro, Bolivia, 1969-1971, & a 1985 return to various mining centers, to examine miner protests in highland Bolivia. The focus is on how miners combine primordial beliefs, customs, & rituals with 20th-century revolutionary or reactionary politics. Miners were instrumental in the populist revolution of 1952 that resulted in nationalization of the mines; however, miners have resisted all attempts to change their beliefs in pagan spirits, Christian saints/devils, & Marxist or developmental ideologies. It is argued that combining primordial mythic forces with modern socialist principles allows miners to participate in contemporary struggles while remaining connected to their cultural roots. Rituals related to preindustrial agricultural cycles are described, noting that ritually charged days became identified with commemorations of political events, & meanings associated with many rituals became linked to class solidarity. The political significance of dances/ceremonies involved in the Carnival & Supay festivities are examined, contending that ritual observances strengthen the power of preconquest beliefs & enhance feelings of collective identity, thereby increasing the ability to resist exploitation. 8 References. J. Lindroth

Argues that the varied times & sequences in which responsible democracies were formed had important consequences for the rise & character of political parties. Three key patterns of political development that influenced the emergence of parties in the US, the UK, & Germany were the arrival of responsible government, the introduction of general suffrage, & modern industralization/urbanization. However, these three patterns did not fit all European democracies, which followed various paths to democracy & party formation. These varied routes help to explain the variety of parties that were formed in Western societies. Important dimensions of party development include legitimacy, elite competition, integration, nationalization, & degree of "reach." The main criticisms leveled against the development of political parties are examined, along with varied attempts to provide a precise sequence in the development of specific party types. Despite increased competition from the media, interest groups, & action groups, it is concluded that political parties remain "the decisive agents of political recruitment.". 1 Table. J. Lindroth

"The financial crisis should force us into re-thinking the very meaning of power in the modern interdependent world. While in the last two decades European policy makers were focused on the notion of 'soft power' - the power to inspire others and become a model for them, the crisis forces Europe to pay attention to two important new aspects. First, it seems now that some of the key features of the European model that we tend to view as universal - post-sovereign, secular, de-militarized - are more a European exception. In a situation of economic decline Europe's role in the world will depend not only on its values, but also on its hard power. And secondly, the comparison between the way the markets reacted to the debt crisis of the US and the debt crisis in some EU member states makes us believe that in the globalized interdependent world power is not simply the capacity to inspire and lead by example, but also the capacity to spill your problems onto others. While many security experts are over-optimistic that the crisis and the new decline in defense funding will almost automatically lead to more sharing and will open chances for a more effective CSDP, our analysis points towards the opposite trend. In our analysis if there is a lack of brave political leadership, Europe risks ending up with lower defense budgets, nationalization of the foreign and defense policies as a result of electoral pressures and the marginalization of the EU as a global power." (author's abstract)