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Der Autor skizziert den Widerstand der Niederlande gegen die deutsche Okkupation. Zunächst wurden einige geographische und historische Faktoren aufgezeigt, welche die unterschiedlichen Formen und Aktivitäten des niederländischen Widerstands entscheidend beeinflußten. Die Skala der ausschnittweise beschriebenen Aktionen reichte von symbolischem Widerstand in den ersten Wochen nach der Okkupation über Einzelaktionen bis zu Massenstreiks. Hinsichtlich der deutschen Besatzungsziele wurde angemerkt, daß wirtschaftliche Ausbeutung und Deportation sowie Vernichtung von Juden und Zigeunern zum größten Teil realisiert worden waren. Den vielseitigen Aktivitäten der Widerstandskämpfer wurde zugeschrieben, daß die beiden anderen Ziele, nämlich Nazifizierung des Landes und Bekämpfung des Widerstandes und seiner Unterstützung der Alliierten, in einem Mißerfolg endeten. Abschließend wurde die politische Entwicklung im Untergrund aufgeführt und bemerkt, daß die Widerstandsbewegung in der Nachkriegspolitik kein bestimmendes Element darstellte. (HRS)

The Dutch economy has been traditionally very competitive among OECD countries. The global financial crisis however has brought new challenges, especially during the second shock, from 2011 onwards. The government's recovery plan, which includes various measures such as fiscal consolidation, stimulating innovation and sub-national government reform has an important territorial dimension. This review focuses on how sub-national institutions and development can help the Netherlands meet its challenges. In the short-term, factors such as the contribution of all regions, better use of resources, and more efficient provision of goods and services can help the recovery. In the long term, improving national competitiveness will largely depend on a strong performance of the polycentric city structure, which characterises the Netherlands. The key policy areas explored in this review include: the recently created top-sector innovation policy; decentralisation; and territorial reforms such as municipal and provincial re-scaling through mergers or co-operation.

In 1995, preimplantation genetic diagnosis (PGD) was introduced on an experimental basis in Maastricht. Since 2003 it has been part of the licencing system of the Ministry Public Health, Welfare and Sport. PGD is only carried out for couples whose potential offspring are at risk of severe Mendelian disorders, structural chromosomal abnormalities or mitochondrial disorders. Preimplantation genetic screening, which is aneuploidy screening to improve medically assisted reproduction (IVF/ICSI) has never been part of the programme. In 2008 the government decided to create a National Indications Commission, which determines for which new diseases PGD can be carried out using a number of criteria: 1. severity and type of disease; 2. options for prevention and treatment; 3. additional medical criteria; and 4. psychological and ethical factors. Social sexing (family balancing for social reasons) is not allowed as is the case in most European countries. Saviour sibling diagnosis is only allowed in cases when PGD for a genetic disease is needed. HLA typing without PGD for a genetic disease is not allowed. The Maastricht University Medical Centre does all genetic diagnoses and has protocollised contracts for transport PGD with the University Medical Centre Utrecht, University Medical Centre Groningen and the Amsterdam Medical Centre. Between 1995 and 2015, a total of 2870 cycles were started in 1430 couples. The most frequent reason was Huntington disease followed by hereditary breast and ovary cancer. There are far more referrals and treatments for autosomal dominant diseases than for autosomal recessives. Among the latter, CF and SMA are the top indications. A total of 547 clinical pregnancies were obtained. The success of treatment is about 20 % per started cycle and about 25 % per embryo transfer. The number of treatments per couple is almost exactly 2.0.

In this paper, I contrast the quality of part-time jobs - in terms of hourly wage rates - with those of full-timers. Using the Netherlands as a benchmark, helps to assess the size and seriousness of the estimated wage differentials in Germany. Based on two comparable household surveys, I estimate the wage gap between part-time and full-time employees in Germany and the Netherlands, taking into account individual and job-specific characteristics and treating participation and working hours as endogenous. Based on this simultaneous wage-hours model, I can show that German part-timers generally earn lower wages than comparable full-time workers. The results further point out that more experienced women, who accumulated more human capital during their working life, face higher wage cuts for reduced working hours then women who spent only few years in employment. The comparison with the wage structure in the Netherlands, which exhibits much smaller wage differentials between full-time and part-time employees, leads one to suppose that the existing wage gap in Germany may impede women, especially the more experienced ones, in taking a part-time employment.