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Les protestes socials esdevingudes en nombrosos països durant els últims tres anys –des de Tunísia i l'anomenada "Primavera àrab" fins a les recents mobilitzacions a Turquia o Brasil– han fet aflorar un debat sobre la possible dimensió global i transestatal de totes elles. El present article pretén realitzar una aproximació descriptiva i analítica a aquest intens cicle de protestes, reflexionant sobre les diferències i similituds existents entre elles, el paper que Internet i les xarxes socials han tingut en el curs de les diferents mobilitzacions o, entre altres aspectes, el repertori d'accions que han emprat. Més enllà d'aquests trets compartits o no, l'article mira d'emfasitzar la importància d'entendre aquest cicle de mobilitzacions com un procés de repolitització social que combina les contradiccions i conflictes locals de cada context en particular amb l'aparent existència d'una demanda global per major democratització política, regeneració institucional, justícia social i reapropiació d'allò comú. ; The social protests that have take place in many countries over the past three years - from Tunisia and the so-called Arab Spring to the recent protests in Turkey and Brazil - have given rise to a debate about the possible global and transnational dimension they may have. This paper sets out to develop a descriptive and analytical approach to this intense cycle of protests, reflecting on the differences and similarities between all of them, the role that the Internet and social networks have had in the course of the different demonstrations and, among other things, the repertoire of actions that have been used. Beyond these shared traits, the paper seeks to emphasize the importance of understanding this cycle of mobilization as a social re-politicization process that combines local contradictions and conflicts of each particular context with the apparent existence of a global demand for greater political democratization, institutional regeneration, social justice and reappropriation of the common. ; Las protestas sociales acaecidas en numerosos países durante los últimos tres años –desde Túnez y la llamada "Primavera árabe" hasta las recientes movilizaciones en Turquía o Brasil– han hecho aflorar un debate sobre la posible dimensión global y transestatal de todas ellas. El presente artículo pretende realizar una aproximación descriptiva y analítica a este intenso ciclo de protestas, reflexionando sobre las diferencias y similitudes existentes entre todas ellas, el papel que Internet y las redes sociales han tenido en el curso de las diferentes movilizaciones o, entre otros aspectos, el repertorio de acciones que han utilizado. Más allá de estos rasgos compartidos o no, el artículo trata de enfatizar la importancia de entender este ciclo de movilizaciones como un proceso de repolitización social que combina las contradicciones y conflictos locales de cada contexto en particular con la aparente existencia de una demanda global por mayor democratización política, regeneración institucional, justicia social y reapropiación de lo común.

In this paper the author draws attention to some key concepts of the political economy of digital culture asking whether new theories of social production and sympathetic cooperation, in the work of authors such as Yochai Benkler and Maurizio Lazzarato, can offer an alternative to the neoliberal logic of market-based competition as the basis for the production of new forms of life. ; En este artículo, la autora llama la atención sobre algunos conceptos clave de la economía política de la cultura digital y se pregunta si las nuevas teorías de producción social y la cooperación solidaria, en el trabajo de autores como Yochai Benkler y Maurizio Lazzarato, pueden ofrecer una alternativa a la lógica neoliberal de la competencia basada en el mercado como base para la producción de nuevas formas de vida. ; En aquest article, l'autora crida l'atenció sobre alguns conceptes clau de l'economia política de la cultura digital i es pregunta si les noves teories de producció social i la cooperació solidària, en el treball d'autors com Yochai Benkler i Maurizio Lazzarato, poden oferir una alternativa a la lògica neoliberal de la competència basada en el mercat com a base per a la producció de noves formes de vida.

In this paper the author draws attention to some key concepts of the political economy of digital culture asking whether new theories of social production and sympathetic cooperation, in the work of authors such as Yochai Benkler and Maurizio Lazzarato, can offer an alternative to the neoliberal logic of market-based competition as the basis for the production of new forms of life. ; ?En este artículo, la autora llama la atención sobre algunos conceptos clave de la economía política de la cultura digital y se pregunta si las nuevas teorías de producción social y la cooperación solidaria, en el trabajo de autores como Yochai Benkler y Maurizio Lazzarato, pueden ofrecer una alternativa a la lógica neoliberal de la competencia basada en el mercado como base para la producción de nuevas formas de vida. ; En aquest article, l'autora crida l'atenció sobre alguns conceptes clau de l'economia política de la cultura digital i es pregunta si les noves teories de producció social i la cooperació solidària, en el treball d'autors com Yochai Benkler i Maurizio Lazzarato, poden oferir una alternativa a la lògica neoliberal de la competència basada en el mercat com a base per a la producció de noves formes de vida.

A tour through Ferrater's thinking is always an interesting and stimulating journey. Interesting because Ferrater knew a lot many things. Exhilarating because often we close the pages of his works with questions that lead beyond our thinking. We started this work indicating that wanted to defend the possibility of existence of a new level of reality that would stand above the physical layer and below the social and cultural levels, and would be developed in parallel to the organizational level, and it is what we have called "network level"

학위논문(석사)--서울대학교 대학원 :보건대학원 보건학과(보건정책관리학전공),2019. 8. 유승현. ; 본 연구는 건강증진사업에서 보행활동증진사업에 참여하고 있는 조직들의 특성을 파악하고 조직 간 협력관계를 네트워크 구조를 기반으로 분석하여 사업운영맥락과 현안을 파악하는데 목적이 있다. 이를 위해 4월 말부터 5월 초까지 A구 보행증진사업의 이해관계자 17명을 대상으로 사회네트워크분석과 개인심층면접조사를 통한 주제분석을 활용하였다. 본 연구의 주요 결과는 다음과 같다. 도시보행증진을 위한 네트워크구조는 시민조직과 공공조직의 조직에 대한 인식의 차이가 협력관계형성에 영향을 주는 것으로 나타났다. 전체 네트워크 구조에서 시민조직은 재정적 독립을 기반으로 활동의 자율성을 확보하여 자발적으로 복지분야로 관계를 확장하였다. 이와 반대로 공공조직 내에서 보행증진을 위하여 협력하는 관계는 사업의 필요에 따라 단기적으로 이루어지며, 타 분야와의 협력은 구조적인 갈등으로 인해 필요 이상의 협력은 발생하지 않는 것으로 확인되었다. 본 연구결과를 바탕으로 지역사회 건강증진의 전략으로서 A구 보행증진에 관여하고 있는 조직들 간 협력을 구조적으로 설명하였다. 그리고 보행증진사업에서 구조적으로 나타나는 공공조직과 시민조직의 역할에 맞는 지원을 위한 정책을 제안하기 위하여 A구 보행증진사업의 주요 현안에 대한 시사점과 구조적인 접근방안을 제시하였다. ; The object of this paper is to identify the characteristics of organizations participating in the promotion of walking activities in health promotion projects and to analyze the cooperative relationship among organizations based on the network structure. For this study, Social Network Analysis and in-depth interviews were used for 17 stakeholders in A district of Seoul. The main results of this study are as follows. First, the network structure for the promotion of urban walking showed that the difference in perception of civic organizations and public organizations influence the formation of cooperative relationship. In the entire network structure, civic organizations voluntarily expanded their collaborative relationship to the organizations of the welfare field by securing the autonomy of activities based on financial independence. On the contrary, it is confirmed that the relationship that cooperates for the promotion of walking in the public organizations take place in the short term according to the need. Cooperation with other fields in the public organizations has been confirmed that there is no more cooperation than necessary due to the structural conflict of public organization and the interests of the work. Based on the results of this study, the researcher structurally explained the cooperation among the organizations involved in the promotion of walking in A district of Seoul as a strategy of community health promotion. Besides, the researcher suggested implications for the major issues of the walking promotion project in A district of Seoul, which was found for the policy proposal to support the role of public organizations and civic organizations in the walking promotion business. ; 제 1 장 서론 1 1. 연구 배경 및 필요성 1 2. 연구 목적 4 제 2 장 이론적 배경. 5 1. 건강한 도시를 위한 보행의 중요성. 5 2. 도시민의 보행증진에 영향을 주는 다분야 요인 7 3. 도시보행증진을 위한 서울시 정책 현황 9 4. 보행연구를 위한 사회네트워크분석 12 제 3 장 연구방법. 16 1. 연구설계 16 2. 연구대상 지역의 특성 . 17 3. 연구 자료의 특성 18 가) 연구참여자의 선정기준 및 모집 . 18 나) 연구조사 진행 절차. 19 4. 연구 자료의 분석 22 가) 사회네트워크분석 22 나) 개인심층면접조사 자료 분석. 25 5. 연구의 신뢰성 및 타당성 26 6. 연구 윤리. 26 제 4 장 연구결과. 28 1. Who : A 구의 보행증진관련 조직들의 일반적 특성 . 28 2. What : A 구 보행증진관련 네트워크 구조의 특징 31 3. How : A 구 보행증진사업의 운영맥락탐색 . 47 4. 연구결과 종합 . 61 제 5 장 논의 및 결론 67 1. 연구결과에 대한 고찰 . 67 2. 연구방법에 대한 고찰 . 76 3. 연구의 한계점 및 의의 . 77 참고문헌 . 80 Abstract. 89 ; Master

Pliny the Younger was, as well as most other members of the aristocracy of the early and high Roman Empire, a very politically active fi gure. Th is political existence was expressed through literary communication, which was, however, no compensation for an assumed depolitization of the ordo senatorius, but rather a means to an end for the political goals of the aristocracy. In Pliny's letters, we can witness this literary communication. It is apparent how he used the epistolographic literature in connection with his social network to further his career, promote friends, infl uence political decisions and propagate fundamental values and moral standards. Literature and politics were therefore inseparably connected to each other. ; Plinio el Joven era, así como la mayoría de los otros miembros de la aristocracia del imperio romano temprano y alta, muy políticamente activos fi gura. TH existencia política se expresa a través de la literatura comunicación, que era, sin embargo, ninguna compensación para una supuesta despolitización de la senatorius ordo, sino más bien un medio para un fin de los objetivos políticos de la aristocracia. En las cartas de Plinio, que puede ser testigo de este la comunicación literaria. Es evidente la forma en que utilizó el epistolographic la literatura en relación con su red social para seguir su carrera, promover los amigos, las decisiones políticas infl uir y propagar fundamental valores y normas morales. La literatura y la política eran por lo tanto, inseparablemente conectados entre sí. ; Plinius der Jüngere war ebenso wie die meisten anderen Mitglieder der römischen Aristokratie in der frühen und hohen Kaiserzeit politisch höchst aktiv. Ausdruck fand diese politische Existenz in einer literarischen Kommunikation, die allerdings kein Ersatz für die vermeintliche Entpolitisierung der Senatoren war, sondern den politischen Zielen der Aristokratie als Mittel zum Zweck diente. In den plinianischen Briefen kann man diese literarische Kommunikation gut nachvollziehen. Es ist deutlich zu erkennen, wie Plinius mit Hilfe seines sozialen Netzwerkes die epistolographische Literatur dazu nutzte, selbst Karriere zu machen, Freunde zu fördern, Einfl uss auf politische Entscheidungen zu nehmen und grundsätzliche Werte– und Moralvorstellungen zu propagieren. Literatur und Politik waren somit untrennbar miteinander verbunden.

Aquest article aborda l'experiència del moviment social #YoSoy132, a partir de l'exploració del seu sorgiment en el context polític, social i mediàtic mexicà i de l'anàlisi de les seves característiques, demandes i paral·lelismes amb els nous moviments socials globals. A més, l'article problematitza el paper dels nous mitjans digitals –en particular de les xarxes socials– dins del moviment, trencant amb cinc narratives dominants en la literatura. Finalment, es realitza un balanç de l'abast i les limitacions de #YoSoy132. ; This paper looks at the experience of the social movement #YoSoy132, exploring its emergence in the political, social and media context of Mexico today, and analyzing its characteristics, demands, and similarities with the new global social movements. In addition, the paper problematizes the role of the digital media – and in particular of the social media — within the movement, breaking with five narratives that have dominated the literature. In the conclusion, the paper offers an assessment of the achievements and the limitations of #YoSoy132. ; Este artículo aborda la experiencia del movimiento social #YoSoy132, a partir de la exploración de su surgimiento en el contexto político, social y mediático mexicano y del análisis de sus características, demandas y paralelismos con los nuevos movimientos sociales globales. Además, el artículo problematiza el papel de los medios digitales –en particular de las redes sociales– dentro del movimiento, rompiendo con cinco narrativas dominantes en la literatura. Finalmente, se realiza un balance de los alcances y de las limitaciones de #YoSoy132.

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